Villagers: Letters to the Editor 2006-05-25
Afghan hunger strikers - Democratic debate needed on immigrants
It is not surprising that the Afghan asylum seekers in St Patrick's Cathedral should use aggressive tactics in their demands for instant refugee status, as similar tactics were successful in Belgium recently.
The hunger strikers were portrayed by sections of the media, humanitarian groups and the far left as victims of an inhumane asylum system. This was not because they were right, but because they were vulnerable. Therefore, critical questioning of their tactics is viewed as attacking them and those who do so are vilified as oppressors. This is now standard practice in all matters relating to immigration in general and is the result of the institutionalisation of political correctness in all spheres of society.
Political correctness has established itself as a national ideology which sets the ground rules for debate on all issues. In Ireland it has rooted itself in every nook and cranny and is used as a weapon to stifle and corrupt open debate as to what kind of society we choose to live in. In particular it is used to promote a completely free labour market by allowing an open borders policy on immigration. Notwithstanding the fact that this is designed to create a low-wage, open-market economy on US lines, it is lauded by the politically correct on the right and on the far left as an exciting adventure into a new intercultural society.
The political class in the Dáil have been able to impose unregulated immigration on its electorate by using political correctness to inhibit discussion and to create an intolerance of dissent. This irresponsible experiment is ratcheting up problems for future Irish society in return for short-term gains, and political correctness will only wallpaper over the present cracks.
Perhaps the St Patrick's Cathedral hunger strike will encourage a more democratic debate on all aspects of immigration and not confuse facts with emotional morality.
simon o'donnell, Rathmines, Dublin 6
Book review - Millar misses mark on Ó Brádaigh biog
It was disappointing to read Scott Millar's review (Village, 11 May) of Professor Robert White's new biography of Ruiarí Ó Brádaigh. It was an example of the mix of willful disinformation and careless inaccuracy that Village has devoted considerable space to exposing in the O'Reilly family press. I was particularly disappointed as Mr Millar has done some good, solid reporting for this magazine.
He begins by stating that Ó Brádaigh is the founder of Republican Sinn Féin, as if this was a simple statement of fact. That neither Republican Sinn Féin or Ó Brádaigh would consider this to be true is either unknown to our reviewer or complicates his pedagogy too much. RSF held its 100th Ard Fheis last year; Ó Brádaigh is 74.
Next he tells us that Wolfe Tone committed suicide. This is not known to be true. We are then told that Ó Brádaigh has made a career of refusing to recognise any representative parliament in Ireland. It seems totally beyond the comprehension of Millar that anyone could reject a parliament which, at the very best, represents only 26 Irish counties, but in reality represents a much smaller group (as reported in the same issue of Village in relation to Tony O'Reilly).
There is no point in going through every sentence in Millar's "review", almost every one of them is as faulty as the next, I will skip down to the last paragraph, where he says that RSF is not willing to submit its principles to the rigour of representative democracy, but seeks to provoke a "sudden awakening" of the people. This is pure nonsense. RSF contests council elections, as Sinn Féin has always done, and Ó Brádaigh has spent the last 50 years of his life travelling around Ireland, trying to "awaken" the people, issue by issue. Hardly a "sudden" approach.
To finish, can I ask how does taking your politics from diverse sources such as your parents' experience and Tanzanian socialism equate with a lack of real political development? If Sinn Féin has taken inspiration from African thinking, is it so horrific a thought that we Irish, in our belief that we were first among minions in the greatest empire of all time, could have anything to learn from mere Africans, not to mention our parents?
donnchadh macgill, Cnoc na Rí, Bhaile Átha Cliath
'Lost Limerick' - Where there's a political will there's a way
I read with much interest the article by Wesley Liddy about "Lost Limerick" (Village, 30 March). To clarify one small error in an otherwise good article, the Moyross estate is not split between Limerick and Clare but between Limerick City Council and Limerick County Council. Coincidently, as the article was printed, we in Sinn Féin were in the process of surveying the Co Limerick part of Moyross, to determine under which council's jurisdiction the residents wanted to be.
That survey reveals a clear wish on the part of the residents to be able to vote for city councillors who would be more responsive to their needs; indeed, almost 93% want to be in city. What is particularly worrying is that, with the ways things are at the moment, almost 93% of residents are unsure of which local election area they are in, and close to 97% don't know who their county councillors are. This situation really is quite scandalous as it denies residents their right to a voice at local government level.
I have called for urgent action to be taken to address this serious anomaly. The present situation, where several hundred homes are owned by Limerick City Council, but nevertheless fall within the area of County Limerick, is patently absurd. The present boundary means that residents in those parts of Moyross which are in the county are poorly represented by their councillors and largely ignored by the county council.
In the Moyross area the residents have been especially poorly served over the years by their county councillors – this lack of commitment to the residents and their needs is all too plain to see in the lack of local services provision.
Such an adjustment to the boundary would not have major financial implications for Limerick County Council, as there is little or no rates revenue from the area concerned and even refuse collection is in the hands of private firms.
Sinn Féin believes that if the political will exists this matter could be easily resolved.
maurice quinlivan, Sinn Féin, Limerick
Women and Christianity - Cracking the Da Vinci Code
I would like to address controversies raised by The Da Vinci Code, commented on by Vincent Browne and John Allen (Village, 18 May). Regarding the authenticity of the Gospel manuscripts, bibliographical tests prove that the bible has more manuscript evidence than any other ancient document. It was also customary for Jewish citizens to remember and preserve oral religious teachings accurately.
The alleged marriage with Mary Magdalene is, as Vincent Browne correctly stated, far-fetched. However, there is no indication to suggest Jesus was married to anyone else, despite it being the norm for his contemporaries. Jesus came specifically for the redemption of mankind and his busy public ministry only lasted three years, in which time he simultaneously taught the 12 apostles.
Regarding misogyny in the bible, Genesis declares that men and women are created equal in the sight of God and of each other. Women play important roles in the Old Testament. When Paul spoke in Timothy about women not teaching, he was addressing a particular problem of false teaching in Ephesus. The fact that most leaders were men reflects the patriarchal culture of the time.
niamh dempsey, Blanchardstown, Dublin 15
Medical condition - Health officials must recognise Borrelliosis
I wish to draw attention to the existence of a condition known within the medical profession as Borrelliosis. This is a very serious health problem in the western world that causes Lyme disease. It originates from being infected by insect bites, primarily ticks, and manifests itself in a variety of ways: chronic fatigue,muscle spasm, joint pain, and even physical disability. Mental problems are also a feature of this illness, such as poor concentration, confusion, and memory loss.
An estimated 10% of the Irish population suffers from this chronic and debilitating ailment. Their daily wretchedness and agony is sadly compounded by the fact that the Irish medical profession refuses to acknowledge that it actually represents a medical problem: insisting that Borrelliosis has no medical status in this country or in the west.
This flies in the face of evidence from painstaking scientific research carried out by a dedicated international group of highly qualified doctors and scientists. Their research has led them not only to the conviction that Borrelliosis exists in the west, but also to challenge the medical consensus that Borrelliosis infection can only occur outside the western hemisphere.
This argument of the existence of an indigenous Borrelliosis has been subjected to particular ridicule by the medical establishment, despite clear evidence to the contrary. One pool of research has established a high incidence of Borrelliosis in Co Kerry.
A change of attitude is urgently required from the medical profession concerning this appalling condition.
niall mcdermott, Celbridge, Co Kildare
Miscarriage of justice - Mullan seeking fair hearing for de Róiste
Anyone who protests their innocence as consistently as Dónal de Róiste has, does not do it for no reason. It is the belief of Don Mullan (former head of Concern) that de Róiste was dismissed from the Irish Army in 1968 for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Miscarriages of justice are very hard to fight and to rectify. Politicians can be accommodating or they can deliberately be tone deaf. It really is swings and roundabouts. Sometimes, getting a wrong put right seems more in the hands of the gods than in the logic and fairness of human beings towards one another. Don Mullan's new book, Speaking Truth to Power is part of what has been a long campaign on the part of Dónal de Róiste to seek a fair hearing.
mary sullivan, College Road, Cork
Israel and Palestine - Israel must accept responsibility
Permit me to take a selection of Sean Gannon's issues (Village, 4 May) to task. Firstly, although it is wrong to whitewash over the violence used by the Palestinians against Israel and its interests, it must at all times be recognised that the violence stems from and is a reaction to the violence (in action and policy) of the Israeli regime, whose state was founded on the displacement of millions of Palestinians.
Secondly, the election of members of Hamas to positions within the Palestinian parliament does not mean that they have been turned into "respectable parliamentarians" overnight, nor that they should be seen as such, but certainly we should help and encourage them to become same. Negotiating with "terrorists" in an effort to see if they have some reasonable demands is a much better way to safeguard stability and ensure that participatory democracy can work.
Thirdly, that Jews should be allowed to settle in the area should not be under dispute. Any person should be allowed to settle in an area if the proper procedures are followed. This does not mean that the new settlers should be allowed to set up an independent state, per se, especially if the land was acquired in the way that "Israeli" land in Palestine or "British" land in the North of Ireland was. Again, reactions to these efforts must be seen as just that: reactions to Israeli (or British) policy and violence.
Fourthly, to say that the Oslo peace process was scuppered by "Ramallah's attempt to bolster its bargaining position with bullets and explosives belts" is disingenuous to say the least: isn't this what Israel has been doing for many years – albeit with the use of apache helicopters and precision-guided missiles instead of sticks, stones, and a small number of suicide bombers?
Israel has spent its existence trying to scupper plans for a Palestinian nation state. If Israel is serious about Palestine and an independent Palestinian state, it should unilaterally remove itself from occupied lands, and accept borders of at least pre-1967 jurisdiction.
mark conroy, Portlaoise, Co Laois
1916 - 'Shoot the lot of them'
It ill-behoves those who defend the unleashing of destructive and "murderous force" by insurgents, against a public in holiday mood on the 24 April 1916 in Dublin, to take the high moral ground, and remove from its proper context the noun "force", as used by John Redmond during the parliamentary debate on Home Rule.
Redmond had to frame his argument in the most stark dramatic form possible; had he stated the opposite – that Catholic Ireland was held by consent – what would have been the point of Home Rule?
Had Redmond recognised the principle of consent, he could have had Home Rule in 1912. To claim that both he and Carson were prepared to plunge Ireland into the horrors of civil war between constitutional nationalism and dissenting Ulster Unionism is implausible. If conflict had arisen between France and Germany, or Germany and Britain, such disputes would have been settled by negotiation, not war. Serbian nationalist expansionism caused the terrible conflict, and provided Germany with the pretext to pursue a policy of military aggression. Imperial Germany's declaration of war on France brought Britain into the war; and German atrocities in Belgium produced war fever in Britain and Ireland.
Redmond simply reflected public opinion in his denunciation of Germany, and his support for the war; contrary to the claims of his detractors, Redmond was no lover of blood sacrifice. Revolutionary Irish separatists joined the first world war on Easter Monday 1916, on the side of the power their country was at war with. They murdered 17 policemen, 43 Irish soldiers and hundreds of civilians, and wounded up to 2,000 others. British losses were heavy also. A mere 60 or so rebels died. A good week's work for the Kaiser.
Had it not been for the Maxwell executions, the general public would have killed the leaders of the insurrection had they the opportunity. The writer Stephens reported a common refrain from Dubliners regarding the rebels: "Shoot the whole lot of them!"
pierce martin, Celbridge, Co Kildare
Ireland's natural resources - Settling for short-term solutions
I am writing to strongly disagree with Matt Cooper's assertion that our current tax regulations regarding carbon exploration are right (Village, 11 May). In the current climate the Irish coast is neither an easy nor a cheap location for exploration. However, as this century progresses, it is very likely that carbon fuel resources all over the planet will become progressively more scarce. This will probably result in less accessible reserves being tapped into; also, technological advances may make less attractive reserves such as ours more in demand.
As any fuel deposits which may be beneath our seabed have been there for a couple of thousand centuries, and are unlikely to leave unaided, I do not see the rush to give it away cheaply now. I believe that future generations may look upon the decision to give our natural resources away to foreign multinationals as extreme short-term stupidity.
matthew saddler, North Circular Road, Limerick
STATEMENT - 100,000 die in Congo – aid needed
The humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is being neglected by rich countries. Donors have committed only $94m (14%) of the $682m needed for the Humanitarian Action Plan (HAP) developed by the UN, Red Cross and aid agencies, since the appeal was launched on 13 February. In that three-month period, an estimated 100,000 people have died from conflict-related causes.
The warning comes as the the country prepares for its first multi-party elections in 40 years, due to be held on 30 July. Oxfam believes rich countries must give their fair share of the appeal total, and yet no major donors have given enough. The US and Japan have made miniscule commitments relative to the size of their economies. France and Germany have only made small commitments. Italy has pledged nothing.
Ireland, on the other hand, has committed funding beyond its 'fair share' level, as well as giving direct funding to aid agencies and other UN bodies.
Oxfam is also calling on those countries that traditionally give above their fair share to commit funds rapidly. Countries such as Finland, Sweden and Canada usually set the example, but their response to this latest plan is disappointing. Donors that have not given to DRC in the past, such as New Zealand, Australia and Spain, also need to contribute if the scale of need is to be met.
Furthermore, Oxfam calls upon those countries that have committed humanitarian funds to make them available for project implementation as soon as possible. The Democratic Republic of Congo is one of the world's forgotten disaster zones, with an estimated 3.9m people that have died as a result of the conflict in the past eight years. The HAP has raised just $9.40 for every person in need for the next year, against $550 per person that was raised in the UN's Tsunami flash appeal in 2005.
Oxfam Ireland is supporting projects in the eastern part of the country, providing public health education, clean water and sanitation facilities to displaced camps and the local populations. A new programme has just started on the shores of Lake Albert, aimed at reducing the annual problem of cholera amongst the fishing communities.
Key facts on DRC
•World's highest infant mortality rate means 585,000 children lost each year (MSF)
•3.9m people died as a result of conflict since 1998 (IRC)
•1.4 to 1.6m displaced by conflict (UN OCHA)
•16% of population severely malnourished (DRC Ministry of Public Health)
•107,000 died since HAP appeal launched (IRC)
Oxfam has worked in the DRC since the 1960s, providing emergency relief, including water, sanitation and public health to 300,000 people.
?More www.oxfamireland.org. Donations can be made on 1890 60 60 65
Dedication: Mícheál O'Riordan 1917 – 2006
The death of Mícheál O'Riordan, former general secretary of the Communist Party of Ireland, International Brigader and staunch advocate of the rights of the working class, marks the end of an era.
O'Riordan was born in Cork in 1917, just five days after the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, but outlived that revolution by 15 years. His parents came from the West Cork Gaeltacht of Béal Átha 'n Ghaorthaidh, and he was deeply steeped in the history of that rebellious place – in struggles against landlordism, against English rule and against local gombeenism.
His father was a docker, actively involved in the Cork labour movement and naturally inclined to James Connolly's identification of the social struggle and the struggle for national freedom.
Mícheál himself joined Fianna Éireann, the IRA youth movement, in 1933 at the age of 16 and subsequently the IRA in Cork. He was an active participant in the fight – and fight it was – against the Blueshirts, but increasingly leant to the left of the IRA, being strongly influenced by the charismatic Frank Ryan. O'Riordan joined the Communist Party of Ireland in 1936, and responded immediately to Ryan's call for volunteers to help defend the Spanish Republic against fascism and the interference of Hitler and Mussolini. He was decorated for bravery as a soldier of the Spanish Republic, but was wounded on the Ebro front in 1938, shortly before the International Brigade was withdrawn from Spain.
Back in Ireland he threw himself into local politics, emerging as the leader of the small band of remaining Communists. But he was then interned in the Curragh when war broke out. There he worked to convince his fellow Republicans of the nature of the Spanish struggle and also learned to speak Irish from his fellow internee, Máirtín Ó Cadhain – even though his own parents had been native Irish-speakers.
Released in 1943, he won over 3,000 votes (more than 10 per cent of the vote) in a Cork by-election in 1946, but was then subject to a massive campaign of harassment which drove him out of the city.
He settled in Dublin, where he regrouped the small communist forces in the South in the Irish Workers' League, and then the Irish Workers' Party. It was the time of the Cold War, but O'Riordan never flinched in the fight to uphold the cause of the working class or to defend the Soviet Union, warts and all, against its detractors. In 1970, with the civil rights' struggle in full ascendant, he helped to reunite the Communist Party on a 32-county basis and became its general secretary.
"Red Riordan", as he was commonly known, was almost synonymous with communism in Ireland. Denounced from the pulpit, in times when such a denunciation was listened to, he fought a hard struggle to uphold his cause, though never losing his common touch. But the very qualities that carried him through that struggle and that ensured there was a communist party in Ireland were also the qualities that ultimately, perhaps, held the party back.
O'Riordan was obdurate and impervious to the attacks of his enemies, but equally so to the criticisms of his comrades. He gave unquestioning loyalty to the Soviet Union, which was not merely a matter of principle but a matter of style as well. And he frequently translated his politics into strong personal antagonisms.
Still he remained a colossus, widely respected throughout the labour movement, and as times changed and people became embarrassed by the obscurantist backwardness of the late '40s and '50s, O'Riordan became more respected in official circles. And Spain, in tribute to his role in the Civil War, made him an honorary citizen of that country.
On his death he merited a tribute from the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern and his funeral was attended by various personalities of the Labour movement, including Pat Rabbitte, Ruairí Quinn, Tomás MacGiolla, and several Sinn Féin TDs. Indeed, the national partnership talks that morning were adjourned as a mark of respect to allow trade union negotiators to attend his funeral.
Yet, just as he had been unmoved by the violent rhetoric of his opponents previously, so he remained unfazed by latter-day praise. No saint certainly, but still a giant of a man, both literally and politically. His lasting legacy is the existence of a communist party, which, however small and reviled, remains a principled upholder of Connolly's ideals of unifying the fight for national freedom with the fight for social emancipation.
He stood firm on the Ebro in 1938, he stood firm in Dublin in the '50s and '60s, and when Gorbachev tore down the red flag over Moscow in the '90s, O'Riordan proudly raised his red banner over Connolly House in Essex Street where it still flies. He will be remembered with pride.
Go maire a chuimhne beó le dorn clé an Lucht Oibre!
May his memory live in the clenched left fist of the working class!
Eoin Ó murchú