Time to Flesh Out Plan B

As the current phase of the peace process stutters to its last gasp, there is an increasing need for the two governments to begin to flesh out a putative Plan B and ensure that the dynamism of the peace process is not lost in a welter of recrimination and lost opportunity, of petty point scoring and abandonment of the national interest for party political advantage.

The Dublin Government, in particular, has a continuing constitutional imperative to rescue a substantial advance in Anglo-Irish relations and ensure that Unionism has no veto over political progress in Ireland or in British recognition of Irish sovereignty.

The facts are straightforward. The Republicans have done as much as they could be expected to do, and perhaps more than was wise to do. Bringing an end to the armed phase of the campaign has not, however, proved sufficient for those for whom that was just an excuse. There has been an IRA cessation in effect for more than ten years, but you wouldn't think so listening to the Unionists and their supporters down here.

There are many, among which the Sunday Independent remains the crusading leader, for whom the peace process was a disaster. These people didn't want peace; they wanted victory – victory over the IRA and the nationalist people, a victory that would make the Croppies lie down forever.

This was partly inspired by partitionism, but partly also by the remnants of the old Castle Catholic mentality that was never completely eradicated by independence and which now finds its battleground on the issue of commemorating 1916.

The real debate, however, goes beyond these narrow parameters. While I don't accept that a British withdrawal from Ireland must be dependent on Unionist consent, it is still obvious that the ultimate shaping of a New Ireland must include their consent.

This means that the door should always be kept open for Unionist participation, but that progress on the key essentials should continue to be made – with or without them.

The current problem, of course, is the refusal of the Unionist population, as represented by their majority party, the DUP, to accept the reinstitution of the Good Friday institutions on the basis of including Sinn Féin and respecting the mandate given them by the nationalist electorate.

Meanwhile, the North-South bodies remain in embryonic form. The scope and number of these bodies were limited because the Unionists would not accept more in 1998, but if the Unionists continue to exclude themselves from the process then the two governments must pick up this issue and run with it, expanding the nature and character of north-south co-operation and essentially working towards total harmonisation of North and South in economic and social areas.

The Taoiseach's recent trade mission to India showed that Dublin is already open to such a development. Politically, the British need to be encouraged to back further moves of this kind – including a single currency for the whole island.

While the long term nature of what may emerge is open to various options, the possibility of working towards condominium over the North should not be ruled out. Condominium would mean joint legal authority of the Dublin and London Governments over the North, pending the ultimate British withdrawal.

Extension of the current Irish currency (the Euro) to the North makes economic and political sense as part of a process of economic integration of north and south. Also, and notwithstanding the costs locally, Dublin should support British efforts to make the North pay its way by cutting the British subsidy. If they want to be part of Britain, let them pay like the rest of Britain. It's an argument that Chancellor Gordon Brown is likely to find attractive.

The SDLP will have the least problems with such a scenario, for their own intermediate proposals include the governments appointing departmental administrators from the ranks of civil society. Of course, this means SDLP and Unionist Party businessmen being chosen to run things, instead of democratically accountable politicians drawn from the major parties.

Sinn Féin, in particular, is suspicious about the good faith of the Dublin Government, and with good reason. But it has little choice, since any forward movement at this stage requires Fianna Fáil co-operation – be it the restitution of the institutions, enhancing north-south co-operation, working towards condominium or whatever.

What Sinn Féin needs to do is to ensure that the pressure for policy is not left in the hands of SDLP hacks chosen to represent "civil society", but comes from the elected base of local democracy in the North. District councils should be encouraged to take their policy and funding demands directly to the north-south bodies, and pressure should be generated on the governments to acknowledge that this is the appropriate forum for such demands.

Either way, the present stalemate cannot be indulged any further. A radical departure is needed: one that is in tune with the underlying motives of the Good Friday agreement – equality, parity of esteem, recognition of and respect for the Irish national dimension; one that builds on the important north-south core of the agreement and lets Unionists understand they have no veto on progress and that the sooner they get on board the train the sooner they can play a constructive part in equality with their catholic and Republican neighbours.

Eoin Ó Murchú is the Eagraí Polaitíochta of RTÉ Raidió na Gaeltachta. He is writing here in a personal capacity