Villagers: Letters to the editor 2006-02-02

Children and domestic violence - We must listen to young people

Regarding Emma Browne's article and the report on Irish children's experience of domestic abuse, which I welcome, there are a number of points I would like to make.

The political parties have a reluctance to tackle the effects of domestic violence on children and are unwilling to listen to young people at all. The so-called support services just do not work as young people are made feel inferior and do not trust the staff, who seem unable to adjust to the reality of people's individual situations.

Instead we are scornfully treated as "cases" – with what Max Weber described as "without hatred or passion". Staff are caught up in the world of theory with no experience of domestic violence or indeed mental abuse. This results in a total sense of frustration for young people, often leading to suicide, drug abuse, self-harm and depression.

A society that does not listen is a society that does not care. I regret that there are no political parties properly raising these issues or approaching those of us who want to work on such issues. I regret the silence and sheer exclusion resulting in a sense of isolation for so many today which is bred by a political system unopen to change or fresh ideas. This deaf system and those responsible for its creation must be challenged.

We must ask questions of our politicians. Emma Browne's article states the key is "early interventions involving school teachers". If this is so, we should be asking is an equal amount of time being spent on the topic of "domestic violence" in teacher training colleges in comparison to such things as religion and art projects?

The report, Listen to me – Children's Experience of Domestic Abuse, is great progress and well done to those who conducted it. Now we need action, not report after report, as is the case with the health service.

Wayne Tobin, Co Wicklow

Gaelic Games - Professionalism would ruin GAA

Professionalism in the GAA would be the beginning of the end. As someone who has always suspected that the real agenda of the Gaelic Players Association (GPA) was to force professionalism on the GAA through the back door, recent statements from that group do not surprise me.

If the GAA were crazy enough to go down the road of pay for play, in a relatively short time the association would be riddled by jealousy and greed.

Michael O'Connor, Co Cork

Abuse allegations - Unjustly accused need protection

Side by side with the shocking wave of sex abuse cases and allegations that have rocked the nation in recent years have been the equally shocking and horrific false allegations of abuse that have destroyed lives and families.

A reminder of how lethal a false abuse accusation can be was highlighted by the recent disturbing revelations concerning the attempted blackmailing of a completely innocent priest by a man who threatened to invent a story of serial abuse to blacken his name.

That attempt, thankfully, failed. But one wonders just how prevalent are such evil blackmail attempts that play on the fear of false abuse accusations. Of course, money doesn't have to be the motive, as former nun, Nora Wall, found to her cost when a false rape allegation resulted in her wrongful conviction. Though vindicated, Nora Wall was subjected to lengthy ordeal that no human being should ever be called upon to endure.

The low standard of proof required by the Residential Institutions Redress Board (RIRB) has, albeit unintentionally, increased the danger of false accusations receiving credence. Under the rules of the RIRB, a person can allege abuse against a carer (religious or otherwise) and receive financial compensation for the alleged abuse without the accused person ever being charged in a criminal court, let alone being convicted of any crime.

A number of fraudulent applications to the Redress Board were detected at an early stage, and eliminated, but how many such applications proceeded further? Cases like this create a huge question mark over both accuser and accused. The RIRB version of justice has promoted an unhealthy guessing game that has the potential to ruin the lives of innocent carers.

Though victims of institutional abuse were, and are, entitled to full compensation for their plight, and to whatever closure is possible, it is tragic and despicable that false accusers have been able to exploit a system designed to seek justice for real victims.

Despite the ghastly nature of the crime involved, the age-old legal maxim should still hold true: "It is better that a hundred guilty men and women go free than that one innocent man or woman be convicted".

John Fitzgerald, Co Kilkenny

Irish teaching syllabus - New structure needed

The teaching of Irish as a second language at second level is not infrequently associated with frustration. Both Junior Certificate and Leaving Certificate syllabi fall between two stools: being too easy for native/habitual speakers and too difficult for learners, especially at honours level.

A solution would be to create two subjects: "Irish language" (for language learners) and "Irish literature" (for native/habitual speakers).

The exam structure for Irish as a second language already exists. NUI Maynooth has developed "Teastas Eorpach na Gaeilge", the European drivers' licence in Irish based on the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages, which tests ability in speaking, listening, reading, and writing, rather than in essay writing or literature.

The grades awarded based on these skills range from A1 (achievable after 80-100 hours of study) to C2 (high proficiency).

Were Irish taught in first class to all students in all schools, students could be grouped together according to ability rather than being grouped by age or year.

All students would leave school with some qualification in Irish which would be recognised all over Europe.

The CAO could award points based on the common European framework, which would encourage students to take extra courses and extra exams in Irish, for example during their summer holidays. All of this would lead to rising standards.

While Gaelscoileanna and Gaeltacht schools would teach "Irish literature", their students could also sit the "Irish language" examinations. Also, students in English medium schools who had a particular flair for Irish would also be free to sit the "Irish literature" exams in the same way that many students with a flair for maths and physics sit applied maths-physics as an extra subject.

Dáithí Mac Cárthaigh, President, Conradh na Gaeilge, Baile Átha Cliath 2

Peter Stringfellow in Dublin - Disappointment in letter selection

It was with great joy last year that I discovered Village. Great politics, analysis, exposures, etc. In fact after Christmas I decided I'd subscribe for a year and cut out my subscription form.

I've just binned it. It was with HUGE disappointment that I read through the letters section. Not just that but anger. Seeing the picture of Peter Stringfellow, I expected to find an item speaking out against his exploits or taking the piss or something other than a salute to him. There was one letter you could have chosen not to print. And with a picture. Where is your politics, gender awareness, human rights awareness, community spirit (and believe me from experience in England this WILL adversely affect the local community), and a standpoint on violence against women?

I'm not going to go into why Stringfellows is an evil enterprise, that's a book in itself, but if the person who wrote the salute to him thinks that the voices against Stringfellows has anything to do with morality, then he is humungously misguided and sad. It's about respect, control, exploitation and basic human rights and as such, I would welcome seeing an article in Village written by some of the good women of Dublin who have real politics about this issue. Unless this happens I can't subscribe. You disappoint me intensely because you chose to print that letter and not even try to hide it.

Dorothy Calvert, Limerick

Note from managing editor: Villagers is a space for people who may not usually have access to the media to comment and write about issues of concern. We try to represent as many views as possible in the space we have and do not edit out letters depending on editorial content

Decline of religion - Waters' Chorus invalid

John Waters' recent 'Chorus' article is a classic of its type from this self-styled dissident journalist. It is of course important to have journalists who will pen cogent arguments against what they may see as a liberal hegemony in the media, but the key word here is cogent.

John tells us that not only do we atheistic secularists wish to see the power of religion diminish in society, but that we wish to completely crush religion and have it proven that we are correct in our beliefs. Furthermore, according to John, we have no "alternative moral praxis" to religion. As is common in John's articles, he offers no proof or support for these sweeping and offensive statements.

I have an alternative moral praxis, which is informed by many things including, for example, the teachings of the Buddha, which is entirely consistent with my atheism ("Buddhism", the religion, is the usual attempt of some people to control others by usurping man-made wisdom and claiming a divine source for it). There are many such sources of wisdom and insight that originate from secular sources. They all contribute to what is often called humanism. Humans have powerful brains, consciousness and the experience of the past that allows us to form our moralities without a need for a God. John's use of the word "praxis" is a red herring. I very much doubt atheists adhere to their own moralities any less than Christians, Jews, Muslims etc.

John refers to the "relentless attacks on religion" in the secular media. I am not aware of this war on religion that he refers to, and as usual John offers nothing other than the claim itself. The Irish Times, is widely considered the leading voice of liberal opinion in Ireland, yet it publishes columns by John himself, Breda O'Brien, who frequently defends the positions of the Catholic church, and even a science column by William Reville that has on several occasions staunchly defended a belief in God. I know of no columnist in the Irish Times who frequently writes articles defending or promoting atheism. Please John, give us examples of this "relentless attack" on religion.

John states that the Constitution is about a set of values by which people can live in reasonable accord. How can the reference to the Holy Trinity in the Constitution's preamble possibly achieve this? It is not simply "an acknowledgement of the rootedness of our civilisation in a transcendent, absolute philosophy of morality and living". It was inserted by politicians who very clearly wished to state to the world that the Catholic Church in Ireland should enjoy a power above all other churches, and perhaps even above the elected representatives of the people.

John, institutional Catholicism in this country collapsed because of the inflexibility of its hierarchy and the child abuse scandals, and not because a liberal media set out to do for it.

Peter Roycroft, Dublin 6

Globalisation - Working in Ireland

Globalisation is about the enslavement of millions of people to the tyranny of an unregulated market and an unprotected economy. It is the policy of the present Government which is determined to fuel economic growth with cheap unrestricted migrant labour.

Over-supply of the labour market is designed to achieve competitiveness based on poor wages, the casualisation of labour and poor health and safety standards. Recent Central Statistics Office figures state that 37 per cent of our workforce is engaged in the low wage sector of the economy.

Irish industry is increasingly rebranding foreign workers as 'self-employed' thereby allowing wage degradation and the withholding of legal entitlements.

The black economy is unsupervised and growing. The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment under Mary Harney actually opposed an expansion in the number of inspectors even when the department of finance declared its willingness to allocate the necessary funds.

Dublin migrant workers are queuing for free meals and some are sleeping in the woods in the Phoenix Park at night.

Economist Dan McLaughlin says that we need 40,000 more migrant workers every year.

Sections of the media are trying to condition the public to believe that this is a matter in which it has no legitimate say, other than to accept that if anyone wants to locate themselves in this country then they have a right to be here.

Some members of the liberal intelligentsia view unrestricted immigration as generous and progressive while they themselves are cocooned in high paid careers, many of which operate official and unofficial closed shop practices.

Peter Sutherland, a prominent proponent of globalisation and chairmen of BP and Goldman Sachs International, is to lobby world leaders on reforms in immigration policy which will be drawn by a team of international experts and presented to a special UN general assembly devoted to the issue in the coming year.

The influx of Catholic workers from Eastern Europe, the Philippines and South America is welcomed by the Catholic Hierarchy whose once dwindling congregations have now been given a new boost.

Any lowering of wages resulting from unrestricted immigration will increase the profits of the wealthy and they will use this increased wealth to further their political influence in the political establishments of Europe so that all aspects of society can be reduced to economy for economy sake.

EU Commissioner Chaarlie McCreevy, a vociferous proponent of the 'country of origin' principal, has given his backing to the employment of Latvian building workers in Sweden at Latvian rates of pay.

The current economic philosophy of the Government has the support of the majority of the politicians in the Dáil and next year they will be canvassing Irish workers for their votes.

Politicians will be telling the Irish workers that they never had it so good and that when they retire from their seven day a week, low paid employment at 80 years of age, they will be well looked after by our new-style health care system.

Simon O'Donnell, Dublin 6

Judicial accountability - The power of judges

Position and rank are supposed to indicate the ability, credibility and impartiality of persons chosen to uphold certain offices.

The judiciary is one position of trust about which the public should have no doubt. Looking at court rulings and the personal behaviour of some judges, it is clear that good vetting is needed.

Judges that may have mental, drink, gambling, social or lifestyle problems, who are inadequate or corrupt have no place sitting in judgment of others.

A very strong independent body and process should be in place to monitor and indeed make dismissals if necessary.

Judgments, whether suitable or farcical, impact in a very real way on peoples lives. It's too serious for this hocus pocus secrecy under the guise of independent wise judgment to be left alone.

Tom Carroll, Co Kildare

Responding to Mansergh - Opinions on 1916

The name of Senator Martin Mansergh will certainly be among those deemed to have tried, (with some success), to drag our country into the 20th century and prepare it for the 21st. Strangely, when he writes about 1916 (Village 25 January – 1 February 2006), he throws scientific historiography out the window and reverts to a simplistic "creation-myth", which does not tally with the facts.

There can be no serious questioning the outcome of the 1918 General Election. 70 per cent of the seats went to overt supporters of the Rising and of abstention. One could quibble about the percentage of those who voted for that platform – and other aspects of the election – but it was, in sporting parlance, a 'result'.

Opinion polls did not exist in 1916. If they had, it is reasonable to SUGGEST (my italics) that as early as the summer of 1916, they would have shown a majority, certainly in the 'South' and probably in the whole island, at least sympathetic to and possibly supportive of the Rising.

What the opinion might have been in 1916 before the Rising is marginally more difficult to guess – and whatever one's own opinion in 2006, it also can only be a guess.

However, if one has any respect for measurable figures, (and Senator Mansergh, as a serious modern politician, must), one has to confront such statistically measurable events as the split which took place in the Irish Volunteers in the late summer of 1914. On that occasion, of the near 200,000 members, something like 180,000 followed Redmond into cooperation with the British war effort. Only 12,000 remained. Even those were divided, between those committed simply to non-co-operation, and those who wanted something more pro-active.

If we want a legal and constitutional measurement of nationalist political opinion before Easter 1916, (comparable to the 1918 measurement), we have to look at the result of the two 1910 elections – the last before 1918.

Something like 80 of the 100 plus Irish seats in the House of Commons went to members or allies of the Home Rule Party. None of them, at least publicly, advocated an armed rebellion or even abstention.

Whatever about the retrospective absolution or approval which we say was granted by the 1918 result, there is no statistical evidence whatsoever that 1916 was in any sense a 'popular' uprising – or even had popular approval or acceptance. Not at least till the executions – which as some poet has suggested, changed everything utterly.

Of course, this is such a painful conclusion and one which conflicts so brutally with the national philosophy, or "narrative", upon which the State has been founded and within which we all have grown up, that it is understandable that many of us should be in total denial. However, whilst it is not comparable to some of the other uncomfortable aspects of our shared past which have pushed their way to the surface in recent decades, it is part of what we must take on board if we are to be truly ourselves and have a true national community.

Maurice O'Connell, Co Kerry

Responding to Mansergh - 1919 Dáil was illegitimate

Aside from not observing the conventions of correspondence (Honouring revolutionaries, Village 26 January – 1 February) by addressing myself, the writer, by name, Mansergh compounds this lack of civility by attempting to force down our throats, in a most fanatical pedagogic manner, the State's laudatory view of a planned criminal conspiracy to destroy constitutional democracy in Ireland on Easter Monday 1916 – when the blood-letting of the War of Independence really began.

The four revolutions, or coup d'états, that he refers to, can obviously not be compared in any way with events in Ireland from 1916 to 1921-23. The English civil war, (or wars of the three Kingdoms) produced a virulent anti-Catholic English republicanism, with disastrous consequences for Ireland. The "Glorious Revolution" consolidated Anglican ascendancy within the British Isles. The American revolution, despite trailing clouds of democratic rhetorical glory, left four million Americans in a state of slavery. The French revolution produced the revolutionary terror that murdered thousands of innocent people; a small detail that neither bothered Tone, nor his fellow United Irishmen.

The relevant point here though is that none of these events occurred inside an advanced, stable, broad-based democratic, social, and political order. A central tenet of liberalism, to quote the Senator's son, Danny Mansergh, in his iconoclastic Gratten's Failure, is the "political primacy of legally constituted ruling authorities." The 1916 insurrection was clearly an anti-liberal, proto-fascist putsch. Therefore, it is singularly inappropriate for a political establishment, inside a liberal democratic society, to "honour revolutionaries" who intended to defy the settled will of the nationalist people of Ireland, though murder, carnage and terror.

John Dillon's foolish utterances have to be seen in context. He also angrily condemned the fact that the British, through an attempt to introduce conscription in April 1918, had "conspired to leave nothing in Ireland but republican separatists, and Ulster loyalists."

Nicholas Mansergh's contention that "constitutional methods were on their last trial between 1911 and 1914," is patently absurd. Senia Paseta in her book: Before the Revolution, eloquently refutes this claim making the point that nationalist Ireland was heading towards a firm reunion with the crown, and a central role in Empire. She also correctly draws attention to the fact that the 1916 insurrection was wholly illogical, and had nothing to do with anything within the mainstream of Irish political life that had gone on before. Separatists generally preferred disengagement from national discourse, and could hardly be described as pis aller in their philosophy.

In 1916 the path to constitutional democratic politics was wide open to any party, or individual legally entitled to engage in politics, and advance an independence agenda. (That would have included most if not all of the leadership of the insurrection.) 1918 conferred virtual universal franchise upon the adult population of the United Kingdom, clear evidence of the maturation of British democracy.

The British government could not recognise the first Dáil on 21 January 1919. Despite gaining 73 seats, Sinn Féin secured less than 48 per cent of the vote.

Had all the parts been in place a clear anti-republican majority vote, however slight would have emerged. Irish soldiers at the front had never forgiven those who perpetrated the pro-German Easter rising of 1916.

The truth is no party could claim ideological dominion over Ireland in 1918, the polity was broken in three ways. The Dáil of 1919 did not have any legitimacy, the British were right in suppressing it!

Pierce Martin, Celbridge, Co Kildare

Tackling drugs - Magic mushrooms instead of alcohol

I write to offer my congratulations to Noel Ahern and the Irish Government for devising a foolproof plan to tackle the scourge of drugs in this country. On RTÉ radio on Thursday, Noel Ahern TD, who is responsible for the national drugs strategy, announced that legislation would be brought forward to outlaw "magic mushrooms".

Psilocybin 'magic' mushrooms are not currently illegal in Ireland in unprepared form. They grow all over the Irish countryside and have been used for thousands of years in a spiritual context. The earliest religions in human history were based on mushroom-induced ecstasy, and they are still used by shamans, healers and mediums across the world, particularly in South America.

It is worth noting that no study has found a risk of harm to healthy adult users of psilocybin mushrooms; they are entirely non-addictive, and that the most comprehensive study yet conducted on the drug found that the risk to the individual and to society from mushroom use was minimal to non-existent.

To put the issue in context, approximately one per cent of Irish people consume psilocybin mushrooms; around 95 per cent of Irish adults consume alcohol regularly, and this harmful, addictive drug causes massive harm to the person and to society. It is interesting that this society is perfectly prepared to ignore alcohol (the fact that alcohol advertising has not been outlawed is indicative) while clamping down on drugs which cause far less harm, and are consumed by far fewer people. This denial of the real problem, while projecting aggression onto the 'other', is a classic trait of the alcoholic.

We don't need to review the total failure which is the so-called "war on drugs". We don't need to tackle hard drug abuse. We don't need to break addictions. Why bother when you can just kick around a hippy scapegoat?

Bravo, Mr Ahern, Bravo!

Brendan Hogan, Drogheda, Co Louth

Indian trade mission - Mary Hanafin trades our brains

Little publicity has been given to the significance and ingenuity of the enterprising role played by Education Minister Mary Hanafin during the recent Irish trade mission to India, a vast sub-continent.

She is virtually exploring the possibility of this wee nation of ours playing a leading role in the educational enlightenment of one of the largest, fastest-growing, and hopefully the most progressive, nations in the underdeveloped world. What optimism, bravery and challenge. How things have changed. In the not-too-distant past a trade mission nearly always meant opening up markets and good relationships with a view to buying and selling manufactured products, agricultural produce, livestock, or raw materials – maybe tourism – but definitely not technical and academic know-how.

It demonstrates, too, how classical and cultural we, as a small nation, have become. Appropriate, one might say, when we recall that Ireland was once renowned as "the island of saints and scholars". While doubting the consistency of the "saintly aspect" it's obvious that the scholastic element still remains.

Trinity College hopes to increase enrollment from outside Ireland from seven per cent to at least 50 per cent and is opening offices in New Delhi to facilitate prospective students. UCD, Smurfit School of Business and Dublin Business School have already signed formal cooperative agreements with Indian institutes and colleges. The Irish Government already wants to increase the number of students pursuing PhDs from 4,000 to 12,000 and increase research positions from 7,000 to 15,000.

The only crux now remaining is to have the Minister for Justice sort out the problematic visa situation with the Irish Embassy in New Delhi.

I know Indian people as being gentle and conscientious, with a good command of the English language that would make them very adaptable to the Irish way of life. Despite the vast poverty that still exists among the teeming millions of population, there is a considerable amount of prosperity, too. It's from this section it would be hoped to lure students to avail of our educational openings.

The development of ties in tourism, culture and education with this vast subcontinent could be the key to where our future progress and prosperity truly lies. Becoming a country famed for our scenery, technology and learning, to help compensate for our fading agricultural image.

Mary Hanafin is a clever person who is well aware the best way to solve her problems is to help someone else solve theirs.

JAMES A GLEESON, Thurles, Co Tipperary

Cannabis debate - Politicians are getting it wrong

I write regarding the recent furore surrounding cannabis and the Director of Public Presecution's proposal to caution users for possession of small quantities of the drug.

It has been depressing to witness the predictable outcry from the usual suspects, typified by a shrill letter to the Irish Independent from Sean McKiernan, a member of Fine Gael's national executive, who wrote that "even the smallest amount of cannabis" is at the centre of "a web of death and mayhem". He called for drug users to be put to work in communities to repay their apparent debt to society. Clearly, there's no room for cannabis smokers in Fine Gael's Ireland.

We should first of all dispense with the notion, articulated repeatedly by Michael McDowell, that all cannabis use funds organised crime. Cannabis is actually a plant. Its production doesn't require a lab, a brewery, or a criminal gang; merely some seeds and soil. There is such a thing as private drug use. Besides which, it is idiotic to argue that, since the cannabis market is controlled by criminals, we should continue to criminalise cannabis. From such a distinguished legal mind as the Minister's, such basic logical fallacy is alarming.

Meanwhile, serious crime figures rose significantly, which tells us that the Minister ought to spend less time worrying about the private lives of citizens and should instead direct his energies towards tackling real crime.

A real crime requires a victim; otherwise it can't be a crime.

The law should only govern our behaviour towards others, and what we do to ourselves, in our own homes, should not concern the State or the Minister.

Brendan Hogan,Co Louth

STATEMENT - West is merely paying lip-service

Darfur represents yet another example of the sheer ineffectiveness of the UN Security Council.

This is down to one factor: the arms and oil deals Russia and China have with the Sudanese Government. Since there has to be unanimity and full agreement of all seven countries on the Security Council, it is extremely unlikely that these countries will give the go-ahead for a UN-led force with peace enforcement powers.

Despite paying lip-service to the issue, the West is prepared to stand back and allow the Sudanese government to wreak havoc on its own people.

It's all about greed and economic gain and it reflects again the selfishness of the West – we're prepared to turn a shamefully blind eye to the hell on earth that is Darfur."

The current African Union (AU) mission has failed in its role of protecting aid workers and monitoring the ceasefire, which is largely ignored. It lacks the manpower and mandate to deal with the escalating violence.

Many parts of Darfur are becoming too dangerous for relief workers. In recent months, bandits have stepped up attacks on AU and relief convoys, disrupting the flow of aid that is so crucial to the survival of vulnerable people who are completely dependent on aid for survival.

John O'Shea, Dún Laoghaire, Co Dublin. More: www.goal.ie