Villagers: Letters to the Editor 2006-01-12

McDowell/Connolly: Minister for Justice 'abusing political power'

The issue of Michael McDowell's competence as Minister for Justice is repeatedly raised by the man's own trumpeting. The Centre for Public Inquiry (CPI) affair should have forced his resignation. But ministerial incompetence is not a firing issue for this Government.

The Government, which included Michael McDowell, funded the bail application for the Colombia Three. Presumably, the Cabinet did not consider these men, and by implication their activities, any real threat to the State. Essentially the same ministers now support Minister McDowell's assertion that because of the presence of the secretive Frank Connolly as chief executive, the privately funded CPI now represents a substantive threat to the security of the State.

Whether Frank Connolly travelled to Colombia on a false passport is only relevant to the credibility of reports issued under his aegis. The flagrant abuse of ministerial position in detailing the content of a Garda file to Chuck Feeney must be a matter for the Taoiseach. Frank Connolly may be trying to get at the State and at the Minister, but then Frank Connolly should not be the only one. The public is well able to judge the contents of intended CPI reports.

Michael McDowell's claims also call into question the corporate governance of CPI. There is the implication that board members might stand over or be duped into supporting the publication of grossly biased reports. Judge Fergus Flood's Tribunal Report makes this a difficult proposition to credibly sustain. The other board members are also substantive public figures themselves. The Irish Times, Independent News and Media, The Examiner Group are all privately financed.

Should their investigations be closed down as a threat to the State? Would the minister show Garda files to newspaper proprietors with Sinn Féin connections? If not, why not?

The Taoiseach has a duty to protect citizens from the flagrant abuse of political power, especially when the abuser is verbally dextrous. Between Mary Harney's capital allowances for private hospitals and public only consultants, Parlon's decentralisation fiasco and McDowell's jail deal, Brian Cowen was spot on when he said of the PDs, "if in doubt, leave them out".

Bill Tormey, Dublin City Councillor (Fine Gael), Glasnevin, Dublin 11

State secrets: Irish history repeating itself

The release of the Dublin, London and Belfast state papers of 30 years ago point to useful lessons for contemporary Irish politics.

Over the Christmas period there has been much speculation about the fallout from the collapse of the "Stormontgate spying" case and the outing of the person at the centre of it as a British agent. Some commentators have claimed that the proposition that the whole episode was an attempt by elements of Special Branch and British Intelligence to undermine the Good Friday Agreement was not possible because it would need such a huge conspiracy between policemen, intelligence agents and prosecutors.

But there are several precedents for such conspiracies, as the state papers reveal. In 1975, six innocent Irish men were sentenced to life for the Birmingham pub bombs after "confessions" were beaten out of them and false forensic "evidence" was presented. At a later appeal Britain's top judge, Lord Denning, said that, if the appeal was to succeed, it would mean that the police were guilty of threats, violence and perjury and learned prosecutors and judges were either gullible or dishonest and this was such "an appalling vista" that the men would have to stay in jail, which they did for over 16 years.

Back in the 1970s, allegations of collusion between loyalists and British forces in the killing of Irish citizens was dismissed as paranoid conspiracy theory or republican propaganda. These murders included bombings in Dublin, Monaghan, Dundalk, Castleblaney and Belturbet as well as dozens of shootings in "the murder triangle". Now it has been revealed that British forces and their weapons were used in many of these attacks. Recent books and articles by former RUC and British Intelligence members confirm that such collusion has gone on throughout the troubles and even into this decade.

Perhaps the most relevant example, in the light of current events, is the role of shady agencies in the undermining of the power-sharing executive in 1974 and the IRA ceasefire of 1975/6. Then the RUC and British Army refused to move against loyalist paramilitaries who were blockading streets and workplaces. It was then that the worst "sectarian" killings of the troubles occurred, including the Dublin/Monaghan bombs, the Miami massacre and the gun attacks on the Reavy and O'Dowd families, which killed six innocent people, whose 30th anniversaries occur this week. Peter Wright, former Assistant Director of MI5 and Colin Wallace, former MI5 agent in the North, both claimed that elements of British Intelligence were trying to wreck the Sunningdale Agreement and Merlyn Rees, who died last week, has said that he suspected that he was being undermined.

Bertie Ahern described recent events as "bizarre". He is correct but he needs to learn the lessons from 30 years ago and stand up to those who are trying to undermine what the Irish people voted for, the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

Sean Marlow, Dublin 11

Stormont spies: Morrison should explain arrest

It is good to see according to former Provisional Director of Communications Danny Morrison (Village 29 December - 4 January) that the Republican base is adopting a "stoical" attitude towards more PIRA figures being outed as British agents.

Not so long ago the Provisional leadership would have ordered an execution and a body dumped on the Border. Indeed this fate has befallen quite a number of people, some undoubtedly innocent of the charges of informing.

Danny Morrison was part of the Provisional leadership when it was manipulated by the British and today he has a duty to speak out about the role of informers and not become an apologist for the people who ousted him.

It is interesting to note that he was the only leading member of that leadership to be arrested and imprisoned. Therefore it must be asked what he did to incur the wrath of the MI5 handlers in charge of the Provisionals strategy.

Could Danny Morrison explain why it is a widespread view that he was set up for arrest and imprisonment at a crucial time in what was developing as a change in policy within the leadership?

Did he object to the wholesale decommissioning or indeed express fears about the recognition of Leinster House and Stormont?

Instead of soft soaping the current crisis within Provisionalism, surely this writer and commentator has a duty to the truth in the news and the ethics of political journalism.

"Stoical" may be his way of describing the Provisional attitude to the spying affair but other more suitable words spring to mind: like "ignoring" "pretending" "head in the sand" and "let's hope it goes away," would all more aptly fit the Provisional response. It is time for Mister Morrison to come clean with the Irish people.

Des Long, Corbally, Limerick

Trade unions: Union opposes plastering machines

The use of plastering machines on construction sites in the midwest is being opposed by the Clare Plasterers' Union because it is leading to job losses in the industry.

The latest attempt to use the machine has already led to one young man being let go from a building site in Corrofin.

We are opposed to the use of plastering machines because they lead to job losses and do an inferior job. The machines have to be used in conjunction with special bonding material imported from Germany and plasterers have to finish off the job.

It is traditional custom and practice that a subcontractor employs local labour when he comes onto a site. In fact the opposite is happening in Clare and on the Corrofin site a young man has been made redundant because of this plastering machine.

In Limerick and Clare the use of plastering machines is being opposed by the trades unions and we will continue to fight for the rights of workers.

Subcontractors cannot come onto construction sites in Clare or Limerick and ride roughshod over the rights of union workers.

Paddy Kenneally, Branch Secretary, Clare Plasterers' Union

Migrant workers: Trade unions must 'flush out cheap labour'

The Labour Party leader Pat Rabbitte's assertion that work permits for workers from certain EU States might need to be looked at in future has been supported by Jack O' Connor, president of SIPTU. Both the Labour Party leader and SIPTU president are pointing in a completely wrong direction.

There is exploitation of migrant labour in this State and there is a persistent strategy in some industries to undercut trade union rates of pay by abusing the availability of workers from Eastern Europe.

The answer is not to raise a call for work permits, which give further powers to bosses to exploit. The answer is for the trade union movement to launch a militant strategy to flush out cheap labour employers.

This would involve considerable resources in terms of personnel, time and industrial action to isolate industrialists who seek to undercut trade union rates of pay. It would pro-actively recruit the tens of thousands of migrant workers into the trade union movement. It would make this State a no-go area for cheap labour bosses and exploitative practices.

It is clear from the magnificent turnout of working people in opposition to Irish Ferries' "slave labour" strategy on 9 December, that workers in this State, both Irish born and migrant, would strongly support such an approach.

Joe Higgins TD, Dáil Eireann, Kildare St, Dublin

STATEMENT: People power

Many people in Ireland are feeling frustrated about the decision-making process in this country and the lack of input into that process that they, as the communities affected, have had. The sheer variety and number of local groups and grassroots movements that have emerged over the last few years are an indication of the gap which is emerging between the population in general and those that govern us. In particular, it is becoming clear that no matter how much riches we amass as a society, decision-making is still being driven by wealth-creation politics with little or no regard for social need or community well-being. In this context, the People Before Profit Alliance/Davitt League have come together as a group of campaigners and local volunteers who wish to provide a support base and information centre which can be used by all of us. We are conscious that, in many instances, each group must re-invent the wheel in setting up a particular campaign; we hope that our alliance might provide a forum in which we can learn from each others' experiences and assist each other in coordinating information.

In order to encourage debate, the Alliance is holding a public discussion on Friday 13 and Saturday 14 January in the Teachers Club, Parnell Square, Dublin. This is planned as a series of workshops on issues such as the environment, privatisation of public services, experience of campaigns and migrants support as well as a session in which the merits or demerits of standing for election will be debated.

These workshops are book-ended by two public presentations by campaigners and community workers on the general problems facing us and, building on the workshops, on possible ways forward. We hope that you will consider joining us. If you have specific questions, or information to pass on, please contact Kieran at 087-2839964, Cathy at 086-0679708, or email:
people_beforeprofit@yahoo.ie

Cathy Swift, People Before Profit Alliance/Davitt League

STATEMENT: 'The worker from a foreign country is my natural friend'

^^The position of the Irish trade union movement is clear: it is not migrant workers who are the problem, it is the greed of certain employers who exploit them and the failure of the Irish Government to tackle this exploitation. Mike Jennings of SIPTU writes about migrant workers in Ireland

In December 2005, two young Latvian women came into the SIPTU office in Kilkenny. They were in tears, they were destitute, they faced the prospect of being homeless in the middle of winter, and they were afraid.

The young women had been enticed to come to Ireland by a promise of full-time work in a fast food restaurant in Kilkenny.

When they got to Ireland it was a different story. Instead of a 39-hour week, they were only given 30 hours' work each per week. Instead of the Irish legal minimum wage of €7.65 per hour, they were taking home only €350 per month.

From their pay of €350 per month their employer was deducting €200 as rent, even though the women were sharing a small, three-bedroom house with eight others (ten in total). Some women were sleeping on floors. It is not clear if the women knew that the normal rent for three-bedroom houses in that area is €700 per month, even though they were paying a total of €2,000.

The women finally came to SIPTU for help when, the night before they came to SIPTU, they had been woken up at 4am by their employer and two henchmen who not only demanded their usual (€200) rent but also demanded an extra payment of €800 each or else face eviction.

The SIPTU union official found the women alternative employment in a hotel in Kilkenny, and thanks to the generosity of a decent landlady known to SIPTU, he got them rehoused at rents well below the local average rate.

This story may not be the typical experience of every Latvian worker in Ireland, but it is certain that such cases of mistreatment are far from uncommon. Every SIPTU official in Ireland could tell you similar stories of abuse of migrant workers in Ireland from Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and many, many other countries.

It is estimated that there are approximately 150,000 Eastern European workers in Ireland today. Of these, 70,000-plus come from Poland. About 25,500 come from Lithuania and approximately 12-13,000 come from Latvia.

At the time of the enlargement of the EU in May 2004, only three of the former EU 15 countries agreed to complete freedom of movement for workers from the new accession countries into their job markets. Those countries are Sweden, UK and Ireland. This decision was supported by the trade union movement in Ireland because, thanks to the current prosperity in Ireland, there has been almost a doubling of available jobs in the last ten years.

The Irish trade unions agreed to the "open jobs market" policy because, prior to 1 May 2004, thousands of workers were coming to Ireland from East European countries anyway and they were either forced to work illegally or else they were bound by a work permit system which only allowed them to work for one specified employer who had ownership and control of their work permits. Either way they were vulnerable to exploitation and bad treatment.

Now that there is freedom of movement, workers who are badly treated can, like the Latvian women, leave and go to work in a better job.

In the past, because they were tied to one employer, many workers were afraid to join trade unions and were reluctant to stand up for their rights. This situation is also changing.

SIPTU has approximately 15,000-16,000 "international" workers in membership (that is, workers who have recently come to Ireland to find employment) and that number is growing every day.

SIPTU now employs one Polish official and one Lithuanian official, and it is our intention in the future to employ officials from other countries, including Latvia, so that we can encourage all such workers to join us to fight together for equal rights.

The SIPTU website (www.siptu.ie) also contains information regarding the Union and the rights of workers in many different languages.

In Ireland, there is often a huge disparity between the official position as set out by the Government and the actual or real position as experienced by ordinary people on the ground.

Officially all workers in Ireland have the same legal rights regardless of their country of origin. So a worker from Latvia is entitled to the same legal minimum wage (€7.65) as his/her counterpart from Ireland. There is good equality and anti-discrimination legislation and there are laws governing hours of work, rest periods, holidays, provision of detailed pay slips and so on – all of which apply to all workers.

The actual position is that the Irish Government does almost nothing about implementing these laws and therefore it is left to the trade unions – which are independent and financed only by the contributions of members – to protect workers.

In almost every single case of gross exploitation of migrant workers which has been highlighted in the media, the workers involved had not been members of a trade union.

It is much better to prevent exploitation happening then to try to tackle it post factum.

The exploitation of vulnerable workers from Latvia or Poland or Belarus or Ukraine, or wherever, is a two-edged sword. Not only do the migrant workers involved suffer directly from their mistreatment, but the employer uses his powers of exploitation to try to undermine and reduce the rights and benefits of Irish workers. This 'race to the bottom' not only leaves all workers worse off but – and this is a danger to be avoided at all costs – it can also lead to resentment and xenophobia and the development of attitudes and prejudices which will divide workers and destroy the unity we should all be building.

In Ireland today there is a lot of debate about whether we made a mistake by agreeing to let so many workers come to our country to compete for jobs. The position of the Irish trade union movement is clear: it is not migrant workers who are the problem, it is the greed of certain employers who exploit them and the failure of the Irish Government to tackle this exploitation. Recently, the Executive Committee of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) endorsed a resolution to the effect that all other EU countries should allow full mobility of labour as a means of tackling exploitation and the growth of the black economy.

Not all Latvians coming to Ireland are mistreated, but many are. Many make the mistake of coming without a job being agreed in advance. Since a worker cannot claim social welfare benefits until he/she has been in Ireland for two years, this means that an unemployed migrant will be desperate for employment and be prepared to accept very low pay and poor conditions.

The best protection against abuse of migrant workers is for them to join a trade union as soon as they arrive.

James Connolly once wrote: "The employer of my own country is my natural foe, but the worker from a foreign country is my natural friend." We in SIPTU look forward to welcoming into our ranks many more friends from Latvia.

"An injury to one is the concern of all."

Mike Jennings is regional secretary of SIPTU. This article was supplied to the Latvian Confederation of Free Trade Unions for publication in a special trade union newspaper which is being dedicated to the issue of workers' mobility