'UN promoted conflict in Iraq'

Hans von Sponeck quit as head of the UN in Iraq in disgust at the failure of UN sanctions. He tells Colin Murphy about meeting Saddam Hussein, his diplomatic efforts to avert the war and the disgrace of the sanctions regime

Hans von Sponeck had a private audience with Saddam Hussein in February 2000. Von Sponeck had just quit as head of the United Nations in Iraq and was to leave the country two days later.

Hussein struck von Sponeck as a careful listener, "a very astute observer". "He was proud... and cold in many ways, but also had a sense of humour."

Hussein displayed "a very deep interest in the history of the Middle East" and explained to von Sponeck how "the Arab nation would eventually succeed against the [Western] enemy".

The meeting was not antagonistic. They discussed "the human condition of the Iraqi people", recalls von Sponeck, an area "in which we had similar conclusions".

Did he attempt to hold Saddam Hussein to account for alleged crimes against humanity? "[There] wasn't really the opportunity at the time. I didn't come there to criticise his human-rights record."

As UN head in Iraq, von Sponeck had been responsible for overseeing the controversial sanctions regime, and the Oil-for-Food programme that was its bedrock. In 1999, the UN children's organisation, UNICEF, had calculated that 500,000 children had died as a result of the shortages of essential supplies resulting from the sanctions. The sanctions and Oil-for-Food programme were established and overseen directly by the UN Security Council, and von Sponeck lobbied for their reform, to no avail.

"What we observed, reported, recorded – which should have been acted on by the Security Council – either was ignored or acted upon only with great delay."

The Security Council, he says, was responsible for "much, if not most, of what went wrong in the treatment of the Iraqi people".

So what did he tell Saddam Hussein? "I had a copy of the UN charter in my pocket, and what I wanted to convey was, maybe it would be a good idea if he too would base his policies on the UN charter."

What did he make of Hussein? "I went away with a feeling that – if one hadn't heard all the gruesome stories – here was a normal statesman, with charisma, who compared well with other leaders in the Middle East."

Of the death sentence for Hussein, he says: "I'm not so sure I am comfortable with the way his case was handled by the judicial system in Iraq." He cites the failure of the government to protect Hussein's defence team, three of whom were murdered, and says the tribunal had "all the appearances of a kangaroo court".

"As much as a dictator as he was, he also deserves due process."

Hans von Sponeck has been criticised, he says, for having been too close to Saddam Hussein's regime. He believes he was simply as close as was necessary to do his job, to be able to liaise and troubleshoot effectively with his Iraqi government counterparts. Between his resignation in 2000 (when he had his one meeting with Saddam Hussein) and the US-led invasion of March 2003, he visited the country seven times.

"People have tried to argue that I had an oil contract, had money from the government. This is nonsense. I received not a cent.

"Not once was I offered anything by the Iraqis, except when I left, they said, 'Can we help you?'" He didn't understand what was meant by this, and didn't ask, he says.

One of his close counterparts on the Iraqi side was the former foreign minister and deputy prime minister of Iraq, Tariq Aziz. Aziz handed himself over to the coalition forces in April 2003 and has been imprisoned since.

In January 2006, Hans von Sponeck, along with his predecessor as UN head in Iraq, Denis Halliday, wrote a letter to the Iraqi government appealing for the release of Tariq Aziz.

Was Aziz implicated in Saddam Hussein's crimes? "Indirectly. He was part of the regime."

So why write on his behalf? "Tariq Aziz was enormously reliable, well-informed, committed [to] his people. He never once made any inappropriate request to us. He is a sick person [and] needs medical attention."

The sanctions were first established in 1990, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Basic medical and food supplies were exempt, but so-called "dual use" goods, which could have a military use, were banned – amongst these was chlorine, needed for disinfecting water.

In 1995, the Oil-for-Food programme was implemented in order to allow Iraq sell a limited amount of oil in exchange for funds for humanitarian supplies. But 30 per cent of this money in fact went to fund reparations for the 1991 Gulf War, funds which went to foreign governments, companies and individuals – including a small amount (less than $100,000) to a British birdwatching society, according to von Sponeck. Meanwhile, the sanctions were being blatantly flouted by some, so they had little impact on the regime. And there was no appetite to confront the abuses at Security Council level because the US was hostile to any reform.

Prior to Iraq, von Sponeck held numerous senior positions in the UN, including as UN representative in Pakistan, India, and Southern Africa – places which "were not linked to mainstream political interests of major powers, and therefore the UN was left alone".

"The moment that you are in focus from a political point of view, it's a very different UN you are facing," he surmises. The effect of this in Iraq was that the UN "became an institution that was promoting conflict instead of preventing conflicts."

Von Sponeck resigned in February 2000, retained his contacts in Iraq and continued to visit. As momentum towards the invasion gathered, he became involved in a number of attempts to facilitate meetings between Saddam Hussein and respected international figures, in order to defuse the crisis.

In one initiative, von Sponeck and a senior German official secured agreement from two European heads of state to meet Saddam Hussein in Europe, with three preconditions: commitment to improve the human-rights situation, signing of a non-aggression pact and confirmation of local autonomy for the Kurds. Hussein refused to accept the preconditions and the meeting foundered. Von Sponeck won't say who the heads of state involved were. He was told by them at the time, "If this leaks, we will say you are a liar."

A further initiative involved attempting to organise a "peace mission" to Baghdad by Nelson Mandela and Jimmy Carter. Baghdad refused to accept an agenda for talks and, again, the plan foundered. (Neither had confirmed they would participate, though he believes Nelson Mandela was likely to.)

On the current state of Iraq, he thinks it imperative that the US and UK forces leave: "I think the Iraqis have the strength to find their way, if they are left alone."

Hans von Sponeck was born in 1939, in southern Germany. "I come from a family of soldiers. I was the first one that didn't wear a uniform."

His father was executed for disobeying orders ("in order to save his troops' lives") on the Russian front. A half-brother and his maternal grandfather were also killed in Russia. The young Hans spent much of the war in hiding with his grandmother, his mother in jail (she was subsequently released).

His early experiences left him with a deep abhorrence of violence. He says, with pride, that he was one of the first Germans to enter the UN service, in 1968, and that he joined the UN five years before his country. He became "a very deep believer" in the UN.

Is he still?

"Of course. But the UN has been misused."

The understatement of a career diplomat.