Save DR Congo: Understanding the phenomenon of child soldiers
INTRODUCTION
A) a brief description of the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process and the role of JRS
It is estimated that 30,000 children took part in the fighting which devastated former Zaire(1).
To compensate for this terrible legacy, DRC officially launched a DDR programme in July 2004, aimed at helping children return to civilian life. The operational framework of this programme provides in theory for armed groups who commit to the process, to bring their members, including children, to regrouping centres where they are disarmed and directed to guidance centres. There, former combatants decide whether to enlist in the DRC armed forces (FARDC) or lay down their arms “definitively”. Because of their age, children can only be demobilised. After being housed for a maximum of 48 hours, separately from adults, they are entrusted to local or international NGOs mandated to take care of them in Transit and Reception Centres (CTO). This graduated procedure has the advantage of allowing the authorities to filter and verify the combatant quality of those taking part in the process. Unfortunately in practice the operational framework is not always respected. Frequently children are held for more than 48 hours and are not separated from adults and this is due both to a lack of care structures and staff shortages which lead to delays in processing requests.
Since March 2006, JRS has been running a CTO and caring for children who have made their decision and succeeded in leaving armed groups in the Uvira and Fizi (South Kivu) areas. The case history of these children is unusual in the sense that they did not go through the demobilisation process provided for in the operational framework. All of them were released following an awareness-raising project with militia leaders set up by the “Voice of the Voiceless Group” (GVSV), a JRS partner association. The war lords did not present the children spontaneously but released them following an intense and lengthy mediation process aimed at increasing their awareness of children's rights. GVSV members began by making contact with families in order to identify those recruited and the armed groups holding them. Then they visited the camps where the troops were stationed and began work to raise awareness among militia leaders and their young recruits.
A GVSV member explained that awareness raising with commandants is very difficult. The first step is to gain their confidence as generally the latter are reluctant to admit the children are acting under their orders. Once they recognise this, they may refuse to release them as this frequently entails a considerable drop in their effective strength. Without troops they lose their power and their influence. It is equally difficult to convince the child soldiers themselves, some of whom wish to stay on because they have not yet accomplished the revenge which led them initially to enlist. Others are afraid of being rejected by their families where they left without their consent or fear reprisals by their original community if they have committed “excesses” while with the armed group. Finally, and this is the paradox of the DDR programme, some young soldiers refuse to be demobilised until they reach adulthood. Children who commit to the programme do not receive any direct financial assistance(2) nor can they join the ranks of the regular army.
This means many wait to be over 18 before leaving the armed group. Nonetheless, despite all the obstacles(3), GVSV succeeded brilliantly in their task. Once the children gave their consent and “Form A”(4) was signed, representatives from the association were responsible for accompanying them to the JRS-managed CTO.
The children are cared for in the centre for three months and during this period all efforts are made to give them every possible advantage and assistance in reintegrating into civilian life. If they wish they can resume their studies and literacy and maths lessons are provided. In order to facilitate economic reintegration they may choose to continue on to further studies or choose professional training in trades suited to their original background (cutting and sewing, woodwork, motorbike mechanics, soap-making, etc...). Many opportunities for dialogue are created because JRS emphasises the importance of providing more then basic accompaniment. These children, separated from their families for many years and often traumatised by experiences they should never have had to live through, need assistance which goes beyond merely learning a trade or how to read. The team is available at any time to listen and many occasions are provided for them to express their thoughts and feelings. Nor do we forget that many have not left childhood or left it too soon, without having had the chance to enjoy their youth. Sports and leisure activities are on hand to allow them rediscover the pleasure of entertainment and carefree fun.
Parallel to these activities and often in connection with them, the accompanying team gathers information regarding the children's families and communities. Once parents or potential tutors have been identified, mediation work to prepare for their return can be accelerated(5). This stage is crucial not only for the child but also for the family or community. Parents may fear the return of a former child soldier whom they have not seen for many years and over whom they have lost all authority. The child also may initially hesitate to rejoin his family for fear of being a burden on them. Just like the awareness raising during the time of departure from the armed group, mediation work at this stage is very delicate. The length of the period of stay in the centre is conditioned by the success of the process. Often children are assisted for longer than the allotted time since it would be counterproductive to sacrifice reintegration on the altar of the result.
In order to ensure lasting reintegration and deter further recruitment, the CTO team in Uvira would like to establish long term follow up to accompany children after they leave the centre. It would certainly make sense to visit more regularly those children who have reintegrated into their communities, and especially to assist those who have started their own revenue-generating activities. This aspect is completely neglected by the operational framework when in fact it is the measure of the success of the undertaking. Follow up of this kind requires substantial financial means, due to the cost of travelling in a region without roads and where infrastructure has been destroyed by years of conflict.
Nonetheless the expense, although considerable, is justifiable and should definitely be funded to ensure real efficiency in the reintegration aspect of the DDR programme.
B) Presentation of the Study - methodology and relativity of the data collected
Since its inauguration in 2006, the JRS CTO has assisted 128 former child soldiers. This number seemed sufficient to us to begin a study on the social profile of these children, the conditions and motivation of their recruitment and those persons and groups responsible for war crimes. We have chosen to review statements and data contained in 100 files in order to represent as faithfully as possible the events experienced by the children. The study concentrates on enlistment in all its aspects, the living conditions of the children as members of an armed group and exposure of the impunity enjoyed by militia leaders. The information gathered concerns -
- sex of the child
- date of birth
- level of studies
- non-formal education received as recruits
- family situation
- village of origin
- dates of enlistment and departure from the armed group
- place of enlistment
- estimated age at recruitment
- type of enlistment(6)
- period of time spent in the armed group or forces
- reasons and circumstances of recruitment and departure from the armed group
- names of the brigade or battalion and militia leaders
- role occupied
- place of encampment
We must firstly underline the relativity of data collected at the CTO. There are variations between the statements by the children and the information recorded, perhaps due staff inconsistency in the various administrations responsible for demobilisation and lack of conditions necessary for in-depth interviews. Moreover we must not forget that former child soldiers are still children and for this reason do not have the same concept of time as adults. Consequently they are not always able to provide precise dates(7).
Nonetheless, these statements and recorded information are important because they reflect part of the reality of the life of the children and allow us to understand more fully the phenomenon of the exploitation of children associated with armed groups (EAFGAs).
First we will examine the various international and national documents applicable in DRC to define more clearly what a child soldier is (I). We will then describe recruitment and its different aspects (II) and study the situations experienced by the children as recruits (III). In conclusion, we will tackle the problem of impunity and the reward for cruelty it represents, in the context of the exploitation of children by militia leaders (IV).
Notes:
(1) The figure considered by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo and the World Bank in the context of the child demobilisation programme.
(2) Adults who opt to return to civilian life receive a lump sum at demobilisation and a monthly allowance. This is not the case for children.
(3) Also to be noted are attempts by commandants to charge for the release of children.
(4) Document signed by the commandant which proves the child has belonged to an armed group.
(5) This work starts at the demobilisation phase. If GVSV obtains the child's consent to leave the armed group, they immediately begin awareness raising work with families and communities.
(6) « voluntary », or compulsory, second-time indeed third time recruitment
(7) We must not forget the cultural dimension of the concept of time in DRC nor the conditions in which the recruits were living.
Source: Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS)