The Rise and Near Fall of George Colley

IN A SENSE George Colley was born into politics - though not into one of the founding dynasties. His father, Harry Colley, had been in the Volunnteers from 1913 and fought in 1916 when he was wounded and left for dead. He was interned, first in the Castle Hospital and later at Frongoch. He became adju-tant in the Dublin Brigade of the IRA and took the Reepublican side in the Civil War during which he was jailed. He was a founder member of Fianna Fail although he only stood for the Dail for the first time in 1943. By Maurice Manning

The Colley family background was modest, but reasonably comfortable. Harry Colley was a rate-collector with Dublin Corporation. George, who was born in 1925, was the fourth in a family of seven who lived in Malahide Road, Clontarf.

After attending school at St. Josephs in Marino, George Colley went to UCD to try for a degree in engineering. His first preference had been law but he was dissuaded largely because the family had no background in the field, and as such, a career in law appeared to offer little prospects.

His engineering career, however, ended almost before it started. He failed his drawing exams in First Engineering and when it was clear that he had little aptitude for the subject, he then opted for law. He was apprenticed to a Howth solicitor, Marcus A Lynch and qualified in 1948. His contemporaries included Harry Boland (a close friend), Sean Flanagan, Donal O'Morain - and Charlie Haughey, also a north-sider.

Although he had no immediate political ambitions, George Colley was deeply invovled in Fianna Fail politics  particularly when his father was a candiidate in 1943 - and at every election un til 1957. Harry Colley won a seat at his second attempt, taking the last seat in DublinN E from Big Jim Larkin in 1944.

George Colley became chairman of the Comhairle Dail Ceanntair of Fianna Fail while still in his twenties, at the same time giving priority to building up his legal practice. He was a founding partner in the law firm of Colley and Moylan. He had by then married Mary Doolin, and with a young family, could scarcely afford to take the financial risks involved at that stage.

Equally important at that point was the fact tha there was little room for young men in any of the political parties, as the revolutionary generation held on to their seats before handing them on to their sons. And with Harry Colley in the Dail, George Colley could expect to have a good chance of inheriting his seat - should he so wish. There was not much hope of immediate success at that time as Charlie Haughey found when he ran for the first time in 1951 and got only 1629 votes - 300 less than Eugene Timmons. In 1957, Harry Colley lost his seat in Dublin North East to Charlie Haughey. He was then sixty-six years of age (young by political standards) but chose not to run again, thus clearing the way for George.

By 1961 Charlie Haughey was the dominant Fianna Fail political figure in Dublin NE and it is not at all certain that he welcomed the appearrance on the scene of George Colley who was' then thirty-six and obviously ambitious. Colley however, had little difficulty in getting a nomination and on his first electoral outing won 5000 votes - and a seat.

George Colley could hardly have arrived in the Dail at a better time. The Fianna Fail Parliamentary party was in a state of transition. The reetirement of de Valera had broken the promotions log-jam and now only four of Dev's original team remained - Sean Lemass, Frank Aiken, Jim Ryan and Sean MacEntee. The way was now opening for younger men like Jack Lynch, Neil Blaney, Patrick Hillery and Charlie Haughey.

Apart from Brian Lenihan and George Colley, the new Fianna Fail intake in 1961 was not spectacular and Colley had little difficulty in esstablishing himself as a promising back-bencher. He was soon nomiinated as a Fianna Fail member of the Council of Europe.

Promotion came quickly. After the first three years in the Dail, he was offered the unlikely position of Parrliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands and Fisheries. In effect, he was to take control of the fisheries section - but there was a snag. His boss would be Michael O'Morainnirascable, erratic and not an easy person to work with. Colley, however, was assured by Sean Lemass that he would have a free hand as far as fisheries was concerned. In the event, there were tensions and differences between Colley and O'Morain which were brought to Lemass to be resolved. Beefore this was done however, the 1965 election was called and all other matters were forgotten.

Once again, in 1965, George Colley - and by now a much more confident George Colley - was running in harness with Charlie Haughey. There was no holding the obvious friction between the Haughey and Colley factions and it was clear that the arrangement was comfortable for neither. It was esspecially uncomfortable for Colley whose vote barely increased over the 1961 figure, while Haughey had a quota and a half. Moreover since both Haughey and Colley were then being spoken of as possible future rivals for the Fianna Fail leadership, it was clearly irksome for Colley to be so much in the other's shadow.

The indifferent electoral performmmance was more than compensated for in Colley's appointment as Minister for Education in Sean Lemass's new administration. Colley was clearly ennthusiastic about his new department, and was undoubtedly well briefed on the intricacies and subtleties of eduucational politics by his friend Sean O'Connor, new head of the HEA and then an Assistant Secretary in Eduucation.

Colley was to remain in Education for less than 18 months but during that time his influence within the party increased considerably. His commitment to the Irish language, his adherence to traditonal Fianna Fail values and his unostentatious life style made him a reassuring figure for some of the party elders - especially Frank Aiken - who were not at all happy with developpments under Lemass, or with some of the new Fianna Fail ministers. In the same way, Colley appealed to some of the newly electd TDs, largely because he appeared to be capable of syntheesising the old traditions of Fianna Fail with the process of industrial modernization which was going on all round.

George Colley's rise within Fianna Fail had been so rapid that when Sean Lemass announced his decision to retire in 1966, Colley quickly emerged as a leading contender .; after only five years in the Dail and with less than two years ministerial experience. How George Colley had . achieved this position was a question which was really only asked after the succession race had been resolved.

For such an astute politician, Sean Lemass' handling of his own retireementand succession was inept and threatened to split the party . He had made no attempt to 'groom a successor or . to express any preference for any candidate - nOT had he 'forewarned the party of his imminent retirement. Ali that was clear when lie announced his decision inearlycNovember, 1966, was that Jack' Lynch would not be a candidate, that George.' 'Colley would be, that there would be a contest.

George Colley was in America on an IDA industrial promotion when the news was announced.: The next few days were rich in drama and exciternent as Flanna Fail, in full public gaze, threatened to tear itself to pieces as different factions struggled for the prize. Finally; sanity and selffpreservation restored calm and secrecy.

Charlie Haughey quickly emerged as a contender and the fact that Lemass had announcedllis decision when George Colley was out of the country led some to suspect (wrongly) that Lemass had chosen' his time 'deliberrately. to wrong-foot Colley and favour his son-in-law. In fact, Lemass had cabled Colley saying "Position changed - suggest you come home". After consulting with Frank Aiken, a Colley supporter who was at the UN in New York.. he packed his bags and headed homeward.

Colley's campaign from this point on was professional and determined. As a political commentator wrote just one week after the contest: "The extent and thoroughness of the Colley bid for the top should not be underrestimated. The tall, ambitious second DeputyfofNorth East Dublin had been preparingfor it for a year. He had the' backing of the Gaelic bodies, the language enthusiasts, Aiken, Sean MaccEntee, most of the old guard of Flanna Fail. There was a strong influence working for him iri Aer Lingus, arid of all places, in Sinn Fein. And he had a strongvnewspaper lobby going for him for the past six months."

By Wednesday, the Colley camp felt it was in the bag. They were claiming 40 of the 71 votes in the party with only Mr Haughey to beat. Equally, the Haughey camp - the younger wing of the party - were claiming 40 seats.

It was at this stage, however, that Kevin Boland intervened. With that arrogance (of which he then had plenty), he suggested that the newsspapers had been inventing the candiidates so far, that this was unacceptable to the party and that there was not a wide enough choice. He then proposed Neal Blaney who immediately began to win votes from both Colley and Haughey. There was no longer a front runner, but it was clear that the party pros were rej ecting Colley.

It was at this point that Sean Lernass got stuck in. He called on Jack Lynch to run and reluctantly, Lynch agreed. Now everything was changed. Haughey announced that if Lynch were in, he would withdraw and would be pleased to propose Lynch at the party meeting. Blaney followed suit. Everyone now waited for Colley. He asked for the nigh t to think it over.

Then, after talking to various people including Frank Aiken who had reeturned from New York, he decided to contest the election - even though he didn't have a chance. His decision was attacked within the party and in parts of the press.

The outcome of the contest proved to be a foregone conclusion. But Colley, now out of favour with the organisation men and labelled both presumptuous and arrogant, still got 19 votes against Jack Lynch's 52. For someone just five years in politics and only 41 years of age, it was still some performance,

Colley's position within the new Cabinet appeared ambiguous, especially as Jack Lynch took some COnsiderable time to assert his authority and was regarded by some of his senior miniisters, especially Neal Blaney, as being little more than a caretaker and of not being 'real' Fianna Fail. In spite of having challenged Lynch openly for the leadership, Colley was never numbered among those whose support for Lynch was in doubt. In fact, one of the most astute predictions was made in the immmediate aftermath of the succession battle by Senator Alexis FitzGerald, who writing in Hibernia, predicted that Lynch's position would be challenged from within his Cabinet but that "he would have not more loyal a colleague than Mr Colley".

George Colley continued in Industry and Commerce until 1970 and it was during this period that the charges of arrogant behaviour against Fianna Fail were most frequent. This arroogance, or in other cases, an apparent growing away from traditional Fianna Fail values, was seen in a growing immpatience with any form of criticism, in the increasing pre-occupation with rapid financial enrichment (T ACA), in the new - and sometimes unsavoury - hangers-on and in a contempt for public opinion as when the Governnment insisted on having an unwanted and unnecessary referendum on changing the voting system less than ten years after the people had already emphatically rejected such a proposal.

George Colley's republican backkground, commitment to the Irish Iannguage and modest life-style put him outside most of these attacks. He himself however, went further and in a speech which aroused considerable controversy at the time, attacked "low standards in high places". Although he denied it at the time, it was seen as an attack on some of his colleagues and on some aspects of the "new" Fianna Fail. And, of course, he was clearly laying claim to the leadership of traditional Fianna Fail - old and -new. However, it can hardly be said that this speech made him any more popular with his already powerful enemies within the party.

In the 1969 election, George Colley at last got away from the shadow of Charlie Haughey and running for the first time in Dublin NC, easily topped the poll with 10,500 votes. At last he had established himself as a substantial and independent vote-getter and he has headed the poll in his constituency in all subsequent elections. After the election he returned to Industry and Commerce, where he remained until the events of the Arms Crisis cataapulted him into Charlie Haughey's job in Finance.

At another level, the dismissal of Charlie Haughey opened the way for George Colley as the leading contender for the leadership and his position was further strengthened when Paddy Hillery opted out of Irish politics and into Europe in 1973. But it was not the happiest of times within Fianna Fail and Colley found himself, with little financial training in the arduous role of Finance Minister, deeply involved in Ireland's EEc. negotiations, with a steadily worsening Northern situation and with the Fianna Fail party still divided and suspicious. Hardly surrprisingly, his early performance in Finance was pedestrian, and this immpression was heightened by his lackklustre performance in the 1973 election campaign. Ironically, some of those who scored most off him in that cammpaign found themselves in the same position four years later - running a Department,' involved in EEC affairs and fighting a campaign. Although he was severely criticised at the time, particularly for his 'defeat' by Garret FitzGerald in a TV debate, it was clear that he was extremely tired during this whole period. Nevertheless, in the aftermath of defeat, he was the one who had to bear most of the obloquy of Fianna Fail's defeat - especially among Fianna Fail supporters.

As a result, he entered opposition with his reputation seriously damaged and his prospects diminished. Even with Charlie Haughey out of the way there would have been little enthusiasm for him as leader at that stage.

After the initial shock of opposition, however, he showed considerable grit and determination. He was financially secured through the offer of a partnerrship in the law firm of Hickey and Charles Haughey; school friend and political foe O'Reilly. He took courses in television and communications, travelled around to branch meetings, assisted in the reeorganisation of the party and most importantly, put in a detailed and susstained performance in the Dail, esspecially on complicated legislation dealing with finance and mining.

His political recovery was slow but nonetheless remarkable for all that. By the 1977 campaign, it was a new and relaxed George Colley who took the offensive, showing a mastery of his own party's proposals and from the start, took the battle into the Coalition camp. He may not have 'won' the TV debates - but neither did Garret FitzGerald.

Now. in 1978, George Colley is poised to take the greatest prize. He is still young - only 53 - yet is Tanaiste and Minister for Finance. He has a good election behind him and has erased the failures of the 1973 campaign. His standing in the party is high and he is no longer seen as the pushing and overly ambitious young politician of the 'sixties. He is easily one of the most exp-erienced members of the Cabinet. But can he do it? •