Oiling The Political Machine
A Fianna Fáil/Fine Gael merger is the only way to allow a new, truly social democratic force to emerge. But the grassroots will be slow to embrace change
About four years ago, I co-operated with Michael McDowell in what a surly Government frontbencher termed a ‘Parliamentary sting'. We resurrected a little-used standing order to force the Government to confront a Bill drafted by McDowell. The Bill concerned Passports for sale and the purpose was to flush the Masri affair into the open. A half hour before I was called to speak, I was given a prospectus setting out how Irish Passports were marketed abroad to the super wealthy. It must be one of the strangest documents ever read into the record of Dáil Éireann.
The debate unhinged Albert Reynold's Government more than we suspected at the time. Some members of the Cabinet subsequently claimed in private that they were unaware of even the existence of the Passports-for-sale scheme. Dick Spring was acutely embarrassed by the Masri Affair and, as events unfolded, it emerged he was generally none too happy at the time anyway.
A short time later, word came (unusually from a civil service source) that the word was out in Fianna Fáil: dig up anything on McDowell and Rabbitte. Inside two weeks this warning was corroborated from another quarter. Speaking for myself, it was slightly unnerving. I talked to a couple of people and consideration was given to putting the matter on the record of the House. Other events intervened and I concluded—maybe wrongly—that the purpose was merely to unnerve. At the time Fianna Fáil had been in power for seven years and, according to the commentators, they were facing into another seven in coalition with Labour. If achieved—and before the appearance of the aberrant monk, Brendan Smith, it seemed a reasonable prospect—it would rival the two earlier periods of 16 unbroken years of Fianna Fáil rule.
Such prolonged and unchallenged hegemony does strange things to usually decent politicians and does especially strange things to a party like Fianna Fáil that hates to be parted from the levers of power. In this context, the legitimate parliamentary questioning of the likes of McDowell and myself was not only resented but was to be discouraged. Being held to account was a new-fangled concept for the nod and wink men and they didn't like it.
This arrogance is one of the main reasons that perhaps a majority of the people of Ireland would like to see a new broadly based left of centre democratic party capable of effectively challenging the Fianna Fáil hegemony and regularly replacing it. It would be a healthy development for our democracy. Amazingly little serious research has been done to demonstrate the completeness of the dominance of the Fianna Fáil hegemony. It is not just apparent in public affairs, business, state companies and state organisations but also in our trade unions, community organisations and football clubs. It is partially maintained by a patronage infrastructure that the other combined parties cannot rival. In the patronage scheme of things, becoming EU Commissioner or being appointed to the board of a state bank is no more important to the organisation than holding its quota of Health Board or VEC appointments. Neither can rival the local importance of winning membership of the sheep dipping committee or joining the visiting committee of whatever prison is farthest from where you live. Familiarity with either sheep or prisoners would be convenient but not essential. Has it ever been known for a lawyer or a Garda Sergeant to get a leg up because of letting his colours show?
Add to this all those who got a job or believe they got a job; or those who got a local authority house or believe they got a house; or those who got a medical card or believe they got a medical card because of the intervention of their local FF TD or Councillor. Add in the factor of a tax designation here and a Capital Gains tax cut there, and the result is an impressive mosaic of the nuts and bolts of a well oiled political machine. Client-ism aside, Labour Ministers in the 92—94 administration were known to wonder aloud as to why it was easier “to move” the Civil Service while in Government with Fianna Fáil. Could the answer be that much of the top echelons of the Civil Service are not quite so blinded by high standards as not to know which side their bread is buttered? After all since 1932 no matter how excellent or how feeble the Fianna Fáil Minister you can safely calculate that, after a term in opposition, he will be back. Amongst their many fine attributes, the modern Civil service are very good at calculating. Fianna Fáil, I think, can relax. There is not likely to be any historic compromise between the legions of Connolly and Collins. Ideologies, history, practice and personalities are all obstacles. Yet on the eve of the millennium in the newly agreed Ireland, the political parties must know that they are facing distinctly new challenges. If we are all Free Staters now, for how long can Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael trade on old distinctions that stir little passion in the modern electorate? Where stands de Valera's invocation that “Labour must wait,” if the people affirm that the national question is now effectively settled? Will Sinn Féin attempt to trade in the political marketplace as the new Fianna Fáil promising to complete the national project and restore the first language while using “slightly constitutional” methods to deal with drug pushers? Or will the social democratic elements in Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil peel off to facilitate the emergence of a new social democratic force?
The more probable answer is no; and the likelihood is that change will come dropping and slow. Fianna Fáil will rush to protect their green flank by embracing Sinn Féin. “We,” Brian Lenihan announced on Prime Time, speaking not for Fianna Fail but for the people of Ireland, “have no objection down here to Sinn Féin in Government.” Fine Gael will rush to try and save Labour from itself and avoid the error of ‘92.
Which leaves the Left.
The Left parties performed poorly in the 1992 General Election. A Party review initiated in Democratic Left has given rise to a wider debate—mainly but not exclusively within the party—on the future of the Left in Ireland on the eve of the new century. Whatever the reasons for the disappointing electoral performance in 1992 by Labour and Democratic Left, the cold facts are that by the time the Rainbow Government went to the people, the Liberal Agenda was largely in place and the middle class said ‘thank you very much' and went on to vote for “Pay back time”.
The parties must now acknowledge that new insecurities preoccupy the coping classes that are different from the traditional ones of emigration, unemployment and violence in Northern Ireland. Will I be able to afford my own home? Will my computer company manage to stay ahead of the competition? Will my money be safe in the bank? Is the blood transfusion service safe? Can I trust the Government when they say the food I eat is safe? How do I keep my children safe from drugs? Does anything I have to say matter?
The Left must seek to address these questions while at the same time persuading people that poverty is a problem not just for the poor but for all society. The battle for economic justice and against poverty and inequality has always been the heart of the socialist project. The remarkable transformation in our recent economic fortunes has put an additional quarter of a million people to work and has created unimaginable wealth for a small number of people. But it has done little to improve the relative position of the 20% at the bottom of the ladder. And the gap between the haves and the have-nots is widening.
The Vice President of SIPTU, Des Geraghty, in a recent address put it this way: “For me, democratic socialism must be the political expression of a truly egalitarian value system which determines a particular approach to politics, economics, social policy and the environment. To be sustainable—or credible—it must be deeply rooted in a worldview, which demands equality and justice for all human beings, irrespective of race, creed, class or gender. It must be informed by the belief that human society can cater for everyone's need but not for everyone's greed; that people are naturally disposed to care for and share with each other; that by working together we can provide sustenance, jobs, shelter, security and the opportunity for personal and collective expression and cultural achievement.”
Applying this ‘egalitarian value system' to a policy platform or programme relevant to the new century and one that has credibility with especially young people, is the major task facing the Left in Ireland. Unfortunately the media commentary doesn't go beyond: “will Labour and Democratic Left merge?” It is to the policy programme that I shall return.