New road to the Republic

On 6 April I made an appeal to the IRA to commit itself to purely political and democratic activity. Before making these remarks I thought long and hard about this initiative. There has been adverse comment about the timing of my appeal. Some have dismissed it as an election stunt. Others have said it is a confidence trick.

But for those who have been listening to what I have been saying over the last years, I have been flagging up the need for such a development for some long time now. Yes, the timing is unfortunate but it is of secondary importance. There is actually no good time to take such an initiative.

The peace process is in a downward spiral. The thinking behind my initiative is straightforward. There is a need for bold and decisive action to build the peace. Who will take such bold and decisive action? Ian Paisley? David Trimble? Mark Durkan? Paul Murphy? Michael McDowell?

The atmosphere of the last few months has been poisonous. In the course of the Northern elections there will be a further hardening of positions, particularly within unionism, as the UUP and DUP compete with each other. After the election presumably there will be the usual optical illusion of talks about talks presided over by whoever will be the British Secretary of State at that time. Then it's the Orange marching season again with all the dangers which that holds. And before we know it, it's the autumn once more with the vacuum continuing and all the attendant risks which arise from such stagnation.

So, the initiative I took was quite deliberately aimed at leapfrogging over all of this. It is intended to clear the decks and to create the conditions for proper engagements.

My initiative is aimed directly at the IRA and the IRA support base. But it affects everyone else as well. I was disappointed therefore, though not surprised, at the way the Labour Party and Fine Gael reacted. Their dismissal was even more trenchant than Ian Paisley's. I think Pat Rabbitte and Enda Kenny should read what I said again. If they want to attack me or Sinn Féin that will come as no surprise to anyone, but responsible political leaders do have a duty to play a full role in making this peace process work.

It is entirely reasonable to ask how long it will take for the IRA to respond to my appeal. Earlier this week I gave my view that the IRA's process is unlikely to be concluded as hastily as some have demanded. Of course at the same time it has to be concluded within a reasonable period. I am very cagey about speculating or commenting on the IRA's internal matters for fear my remarks would have an adverse effect. All organisations are jealous of their rules and regulations. Of course the begrudgers and naysayers will dismiss all this. They will say – as they already have – that I am talking to myself. It would be great if it was as simple as that.

There is a need for a proper, inclusive debate within the IRA, with volunteers taking ownership and responsibility for the future of their organisation.

That isn't to say there shouldn't be a wider debate. But it is important that it is an informed debate. I am trying to actively encourage that. Because this is about the future of the peace process and ultimately the future for the people of this island, particularly though not exclusively for those of us who live in the North. When I said that without a bold initiative the peace process is going backwards, I meant it. The downward spiral has to be broken. That is what I am trying to do. Will that mean that the unionists will queue up to go into power with Sinn Féin? Of course not.

But if my initiative works there can be no possible excuse for the process to remain in stagnation. This has huge implications for the two governments. How they deal with unionist intransigence or a refusal to fully engage on the terms of the Good Friday Agreement will be critical. Power sharing is a central tenet of this agreement. There are other key issues. They include demilitarisation, policing, human rights and equality. These are primarily the responsibility of the British and Irish governments. Will they deliver on these obligations? Or will they acquiesce again to unionism and others within their own systems?

The stakes are very high. Big decisions have to be taken. I have mapped out the necessary next steps in the process and the central role - the historic role - that I believe republicans have to play. I and others in the Sinn Féin leadership intend to use whatever influence we have to bring as many republicans as possible along the road I have signposted. The die is cast. Irish republicanism is at a defining point. The peace process is at a defining point. None of us can control what happens in life, what events, twists and turns will impact on us. How we respond is the important issue. It can make the difference.

At this point there is no predetermined outcome but I have no intention of coming off the course I have set. I believe that how I have responded in setting out this initiative can make a difference. I am actively seeking support for the position I have set out from those who have a stake in the peace process, and a republican vision of the future. I don't expect an easy ride from others who are hostile to the process either from within unionism or the British system or indeed the Irish establishment. But I do think that politicians leading political parties which purport to be nationalist or republican could at least give this next phase of the process a fair wind.