Letters 2005-09-23

The decision by Slattery travel to cancel the Cork to New York service is not based on lack of demand. I understand that this charter service was already 70 per cent pre-booked and due to commence within six weeks.

I would like to ask our proactive transport Minister Cullen, what steps he intends to take to ensure that Cork, which has the largest concentration of US multinational pharmaceuticals on the island, gets a direct Cork/NYC service. Irish jobs are being lost as more US bound passengers and cargo are being routed through London from Cork, can the minister solve the problem or do we have to await the EU to sort this mess out ?

Jer Cooper

Douglas, Cork

Shocking. The death of young boy Brian Rossiter – having been in Garda custody at Clonmel Garda Station. We have all followed the Morris Tribunal and the treatment of the McBrearty family and others at the hands of gardaí.

One wonders is there a little bit of Donegal in every town and village in the country? Perhaps we need a few Gogartys (RIP) to whistleblow and give the real facts of what is going on in the hands of some who call themselves the Garda.

Lets too not forget the Garda mission statement – to achieve the highest level of personal protection, community commitment and state security.

One wonders does personal protection apply to just their good selves.

I rest my case.

Anne Ryan

Co Kilkenny

The new health service boss Professor Brendan Drumm got off to a shaky start with his first press conference. While the emphasis on building up primary care services and nursing home care is very welcome, details of concrete plans are required. On the downside, despite predicting a two year wait for "real improvement" in A&E, there was no mention of the vital issue of bed capacity in hospitals nor of Mary Harney's plan to give away public hospital land and subsidise for-profit hospitals while planning to close down vital rural hospitals.

Harney's announcement of 1000 new beds in "for-profit" hospitals means a total of 1421 beds by 2011 compared to the 2001 Health Strategy promise of 3000 beds. A cut of 1579 beds. In a radio debate on 98FM, PD spokesperson Dr Rory O'Hanley dismissed the Health Strategy as just a "pre-election tactic".

Professor Drumm also announced plans to tackle the causes of inefficiency. Paying already well-paid doctors incentives (fees) to give preferential care to wealthier patients means sicker patients are not prioritised. This notorious two-tier system approach causes delays in treatment and the allocation of cases to senior staff on the basis of greed rather than need. It is the major cause of inefficiency in the Irish health service.

The US is number one for health spending but 22nd (out of 22 OECD countries) for health. This makes it the most inefficient health service in the developed world. International research highlighted by John Barton, Fergus O'Ferrall and many others has repeatedly shown that the bureaucracy of "for-profit" health and insurance corporations and the siphoning off of fees, executive pay and massive corporate profits are well-recognised causes of this inefficiency. They alone can account for one third of healthcare costs.

For-profit care is shown by the same research to offer a worse standard of care than public services run on a not for-profit basis. Putting people before profit is clearly not in the interests of health or efficiency. Its only purpose is profit. The combination of low corporate taxes and privatisation of public services is the heart of neoliberal economics – what used to be known as Thatcherism. When the opportunity is here to end the unjust and inefficient two-tier fee system, Harney seems intent on expanding it instead and opening it up to multinational for-profit corporations like Triad (who are taking over the Beacon clinic in Sandyford).

The success or failure of Professor Drumm to bring about progressive reforms will hinge on his approach to increasing bed capacity (currently only 3/4 the EU average), and to the use of "for-profit" healthcare in community clinics, hospitals and nursing homes. He would appear to be immediately hamstrung by Harney's neoliberal policies.

Peadar O' Grady

Dolphin's Barn, Dublin 12

A question not recently raised by journalists is when, precisely, Charles Haughey will be called to conclude his Tribunal evidence. Is it insensitive to ask?

No it isn't. Charles Haughey held the office of Taoiseach; his sins were not "less damnable" as Vincent Browne would have us believe (Village 16- 22 September) but more so because he was leader of his country. If no moral or ethical weight can attach to this position, then it should be done away with. Haughey shamed the office of Taoiseach.

But let's not get mired in the obvious: the rehabilitation of Charles Haughey is about the rehabilitation of the image of Fianna Fáil, a party branded by the revelations of a variety of recent tribunals – albeit tribunals and investigations are nothing new to Fianna Fáil, but have a pedigree stretching back to the Locke's Distillery affair in 1947.

Magill magazine spat recently from its front cover of the "hounding" of Charles Haughey, and John Drennan's article inside takes a few side-swipes, inevitably, at nasty liberals et al. Des Peelo's piece on Charlie in The Irish Times was shown up for the sweet rubbish it was by subsequent writers to the letters page. But the rehabilitation roadshow is doing its rounds – and one can only muse at what other deserving causes it might eventually embrace.

There is something blind and groping about this process. Vincent Browne can observe that: "The McCracken Tribunal certainly found (Charlie) got millions from various benefactors and raised questions about his use of the party leader's account and the Brian Lenihan transplant fund, and have documented significant tax illegality..." and yet attempt to wipe away all of this by reminding us that Moriarty found "no corruption".

We are asked to weigh the findings of Moriarty against those of McCracken and arrive at some sort of moral equilibrium. Judging by the letters pages of The Irish Times after the Peelo piece, many of us cannot do this. It is simplistic, cosy, and we aren't having it. We aren't buying into the lovable rogue philosophy.

I think what we need is the restoration – or beginning – of a moral centre in political, cultural and public life.

Fred Johnston

Galway

I am interested that Republican Sinn Féin through their spokesperson (John Horan, PRO, 16-22 September) adopts, despite an address in Parnell Street, an anti-Parnellite position. In that, they deviate, not just from the founder of Sinn Féin, Arthur Griffith, but more importantly, Pádraic Pearse. Pearse was tempted to make Parnell the "fifth" gospel of nationalism, after Tone, Davis, Lalor and Mitchel: "Parnell was less a political thinker than an embodied flame that seared, a sword that stabbed. He did the thing that lay nearest to his heart. . . His instinct was a Separatist instinct".

Of course, Parnell, like everyone else, is open to criticism over various aspects of his career, like the Kilmainham Treaty and the forcing of Willie O'Shea on his colleagues (he resigned his seat a few months later).

But Parnell was certainly right to be horrified by the crass stupidity of the Phoenix Park murders in 1882. The brother of Lord Frederick Cavendish, Lord Hartington, ensured the defeat of the first Home Rule Bill in the House of Commons by leading the Whig defection from Gladstone four years later.

Overall the Parnellite period marked a huge advance towards self-government as well as a largely peaceful revolution in landownership. That is why his portrait presides over the cabinet room of this Republic, which alone Republican Sinn Féin refuse to recognise, in their disregard for the living democratic voice of the Irish people, as opposed to "the historic Irish nation". Whatever nebulous meaning that may have today, it doesn't carry the ring of uniting Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter.

Martin Mansergh

Seanad Éireann

Northern Ireland has seen many incidences of man's inhumanity to man in the last 35 years in the quest for democratic equality between Nationalists and Unionists. This has resulted in bombings, killings, assassinations and retaliations.

I remember one, of a mother and her son who happened to be a part-time member of the UDR, both shot or murdered in their home in a lonely rural part of beautiful, peaceful countryside.

Before that in 1975, the execution of three young men of the Miami showband by loyalists. The Shankill Road butchers as they killed without mercy and with particular cruelty. Any Catholic would do. The 1987 bombing at the Memorial Poppy Day ceremony of those killed in World Wars I and II at Enniskillen and the extraordinary and immediate act of forgiveness by Gordon Wilson (later appointed Senator to the Seanad by Taoiseach Albert Reynolds) towards those who played their part in the ending of his daughter Marie's life as she died clutching his hand under the rubble.

And still it goes on in September, 2005 – the partner of, murdered in January, Robert McCartney intimidated outside her home by women and children of republicans. They don't like her protesting over how her man was killed for being in the wrong place at the wrong time and breaking the unspoken code of loyalty of republicans sticking together, no matter what.

I can't help but wonder have they lost all reason? Where is the reason and logic in going after this unfortunate woman? Where are the many Sinn Féin activists publicly and loudly trying to stop this?

Mary Sullivan

Cork

I started school in 1967, there were 33 in my class. I now have three children in a school in Clondalkin, two of them are in classes with over 29 people in them. Is this progress after 37 years? The sanitary conditions in the school are worse than 37 years ago. Thankfully, due the great care by the school staff, they maintain a school of excellence, but they are waiting 12 years for a proper school to be built. Minister Hanifin I asked you, when is this going to happen?

Paul Doran

Dublin 22

Village magazine asked what the Taoiseach could do to promote social capital. In posing the question, reference was made to local government. Tackling poverty and building communities are best done at local level. To do so we need serious and comprehensive reform of the shambolic charade that passes for local democracy. Such reform has been recommended in successive reports and promised by successive governments.

Unfortunately the reality is that local government is the poor relation of our political system. It is badly resourced, under-financed and usually ignored.

The credible record in the provision of quality housing, the library system, public parks, and community facilities is second to none. Local government is only limited by the restrictions imposed on it.

We have been told that the Government has a plan for effective reform and that, as always, it is on the way. As a long-standing advocate for local government reform I only wish they did have a plan. As a city councilor since 1993 and particularly as Lord Mayor of Dublin (2002-2003) I have consistently argued for such reform and acted in the best interests of Dublin city when faced with difficult choices. Sadly, the record of this Government has been entirely in the other direction.

Removal of powers relating to traffic, planning and the adoption of the development plan have been the order of the day. Powers in relation to waste, waste charges, control of the taxi industry, the list could go on, have all been removed in recent years.

Funding for local government remains deeply inadequate and has decreased in real terms over recent years. The "wide ranging independent study of Local Government funding" promised by the last two Ministers, and due out in April, has still not been published.

This fundamental issue of financing local government must be central to any reform. Governance without an independent source of funding is clearly not governance at all.

There is a pressing need for a national forum on the funding of local government. It would consist of the Social Partners, the main political parties and the councillor representative bodies. It would have a maximum of twelve months to report. The Forum could consider either a national approach or a range of options that could be determined, as appropriate, by local councils. These could include everything from a tourist or hotel room levy, planning enforcement charges, a variable income tax levy, sales tax and so on.

Real responsibility will then rest with local councilors who will also have real flexibility as to how to spend this money.

Instead of each council having to prepare housing plans which must then be assessed in the Custom House let responsibility lie at local level. Time saved and money saved.

Instead of the Dublin Director of Traffic having to consult with over 30 different agencies before a decision can be made – let decisions be taken at Council level.

Instead of Lottery funding applications being processed at national level, it would make more sense for this to be done by those who understand local needs. The same principle applies to policing, planning, education and so on.

However such a widening of functions can not be achieved under our current structures, which belong to the 19th century. Local government itself needs to be remapped and based on the real living space of citizens and the actual communities in which they live.

These structures should then be responsible for the delivery of services within their respective areas. All Public bodies should be accountable to these elected councils. Not alone would this be good for the areas concerned it would also release space for the Oireachtas to deal with the issues that are its remit.

Readers may be told that there have been reforms. That "better local government" has given us Area Committees, Strategic Policy Committees and City or County Development Boards. That is true – except we never asked for them.

The Strategic Policy Committees are simply not the answer. Let me give some simple examples. On the Traffic and Transportation Committee of Dublin City Council, legislation forbids us from including the Gardai or Dublin Bus as members.

On the Engineering and Environment Committee we cannot adopt amendments to the Waste Management Plan.

On the Arts, Culture and Youth Committee we have no input from or opportunity to question the Department of Education on any of the issues for which the Council has nominal responsibility.

So what do I want? In Dublin I want a directly elected Mayor to serve for the life of the Council. I want to see the establishment of a Dublin Regional Council and real devolution of powers. This format can be repeated, as appropriate, across the country.

Some people believe that the role of local government is to implement the views and policies of the Department. I do not. It is the job of Dublin City Councilors to do all that is best for our City and citizens. It is our job to stand up for Dublin. The same applies to Councilors, representing other parts of our country, in respect of their areas.

I have great hopes for the future of Local Government. A failed series of Ministers and an obdurate Department cannot block reform forever.

Local government can and will work. It will deliver real social capital - if allowed to do so. That is the big question. Will central Government ever release the energy that is there at Local level, or, will the mandarins forever believe in their own over-riding competence?

I am proud of the service that the majority of councillors have given to our country. I will be a lot happier when we are given the power, the structures and the resources to deliver the social capital the Taoiseach writes about, but which we deal with, everyday, of every week.

councillor Dermot Lacey

Cathaoirleach of the Dublin Regional Authority and former Lord Mayor of Dublin, 2002-2003

I bought issue 50, as I do each week. Deciding to skip through to the main article – the one the takes up the full front page – I was astounded to be confronted with a story about nothing.

We learn that Eddie Hobbs almost certainly did nothing wrong. This is news? Seriously, this is not smart or clever, and I have come to expect better from Village.

Gerard Carthy

Dundrum, Dublin 14.

At the North-West Inner City Network Working Group September monthly meeting, the threat of deportation to younger people, who are of non-European nationality, upon leaving secondary school, was brought up.

I was already alarmed at the threat of deportation to the Nigerian families, due to the Ministry of Justice signing an agreement with the Nigerian government stating that Nigeria is safe for return, when the families of Nigeria here in Ireland have witnessed and testified to the contrary. And now, this new threat is brought to my consciousness.

I am just beginning to get involved in these areas. It painfully remind me of losing my own bearings in life through a torture from which I am just recovering, after decades of being locked out of my own memory and culture.

I cannot stand by and watch a new form of torture being inflicted on younger people, who will face losing their own effective development as responsible people in a very complex world.

Here is a three stage plan to assist those threatened younger people needs to be worked out and put into effect.

One: Short-term

Informal assistance for scholarships to third-level education, allowing the students to be given student visas, removing the threat of deportation – as Dr Ken McCue pointed out – this needs to be immediately arranged in order to prepare students for participation in Ireland's and their own nation's development.

Two: Medium-term

Development funds from the EU and Ireland to pay for the students' ongoing education and preparation for effective work, to be paid to the educational institution, and the student's maintenance.

Three: Long-term

An opening up of the whole development funds issue by placing open and ongoing development funding to people of nations who will be sending their students to Ireland for further education, thereby facing the larger responsibilities of real developing of nations through educating people, who can then assist directly Ireland, and their own nation in the larger work of creating more fair trade, access to EU markets, and working for more equalities of exchange between European and non-European nations.

For far too long, these economic exchanges have been dominated by a one-sided approach of extracting resources, crops and people to the advantage – or what was once seen as an advantage – to the European nations, and leaving the exploited nations to pick up the pieces of that unfair, unjust exploitation, with token 'aid' sent in to subsidise the 'enterprising' intrusions into the exploited nations to attract even more?

This plan to aid development by developing people is an attempt to accelerate work for a more just and fair interaction of nations, removing that 'handout' stigma, which is based on a lie – exploiting nations take out far more than the pitiful 'aid' they purport to give.

The truth is that the majority countries' wealth has also paid for and assisted to create the wealth Europe enjoys, contributing to the educational and economic development of Europe. Now, we can work to share with the peoples who provided that wealth.

It falls on our shoulders to right these wrongs of centuries of wars for resources and lands waged by Europe against the majority nations.

Afrika Mahmoutí

Dublin 7

According to newspaper reports, Mary McAleese embraced, and actually kissed a loyalist leader on a recent visit to Northern Ireland. This reminds me of the bridge at Arnheim in the Second World War. It became known as a bridge too far and it featured in a film on D-Day. Kissing loyalists surely is a bridge too far

In the meantime, organised Loyalists riots abound. The people of Ireland did not even elect this President who enjoys a huge salary and huge expenses, provided by the people of Ireland.

President McAleese is one of the only President in the world today who was not elected by the people of the country of which she is President. This is not her fault. The machinations that decided this farce were promulgated by de Valera in 1937.

There is now ample time to change this absurd system of nominating a president. Any distinguished Irish man or woman should be eligible to be a candidate and stand for election, and it should not be in the power of politicians to decide who is, or who is not acceptable. (The Presidency should be above politics.) Let the people decide.

Micheál Ó Nualláin

Monkstown, Co. Dublin

It has been two and a half years since a crack squad of PSNI personnel shot dead our son and brother Neil McConville. Since that time the Police Ombudsman has delayed and postponed on numerous occasions the publication of her final report into Neil's death. Each time she instructs her Family Liaison officer, Brian Doherty to tell the family, it is only a matter of weeks before publication. We have been told this countless times over two and half years and we are still being told this today.

The Ombudsman is playing politics with Neil's case. She is continually delaying the publication because no matter how she packages the report the public will see that the on the 29 April 2003 the PSNI hierarchy ordered a shoot to kill operation. They will also see that from the outset the Ombudsman's office compromised their independence by allowing the PSNI to prepare press statements for them.

David Wood's statement to the awaiting press stating a gun had been found in the car was a convenient sound bite for the PSNI in their campaign to justify their actions on the night. Even though Mrs O'Loan's investigative team had yet to seal off the area two hours after the shooting to avoid unnecessary contamination of the crime scene, David Woods still thought it would be prudent to defend police actions at the earliest opportunity. David Woods was provided with this, as yet unsubstantiated statement, by a police officer involved in the shooting. Incidentally the gun was an old sawn of shotgun which was wrapped up and on the floor of the passenger side, Neil was driving and no cartages were found.

Mr Wood's actions have compromised the investigation, and the continuing delays in publication of the findings give rise to suspicion. The final report into Neil's death has been completed for a considerable time. The Ombudsman's office has continually given us and our solicitor Kevin Winters the run around. Their obstinacy is incredible. The psychological mind games the Ombudsman is playing with our family is as cruel and unjust as the shooting dead of innocents.

We feel we our resolve is being tested at every given opportunity. But we can assure Mrs O'Loan we are as determined today to fight for the justice Neil was denied, as we were, on 29 April 2003. No more excuses Mrs O' Loan, publish your report.

the McConville Family

Lurgan, Co. Armagh