Letters 2005-08-26
Rarely mistaken, The use of miracle, Safe and Legal in Ireland, Ban church gate collections, Sinn Féin's centenery, Revolving political positions, War of Independece not sectarian
Rarely mistaken
Last week's issue of Village (19-25 August) carried a letter from Pádraig Mac Fionnlaig, who leapt to the defence of your columnist Eoin Ó Murchú. He made a valiant attempt at a somewhat hopeless task, but was rather hampered by being wrong in every particular.
For one thing, he was appalled by my "criticisms" of Village. Since the only reference I made to this fine publication was to compliment it on being "comparatively balanced", this left me understandably confused. Let me assure Mac Fionnlaig that I consider Village to be an excellent magazine, and in any case I had no invective to spare after finishing with Eoin Ó Murchú.
Let me further assure Mac Fionnlaig that if he wishes to read An Phoblacht, that's his problem and wouldn't be thought "seditious". However, I would invite him to consider the original context in which I used the word "seditious", ie: when describing the view that violent republicanism is preferable to constitutional nationalism. That was the view put forward by the article that Mac Fionnlaig found so "interesting" and "informative", and I challenge him to put up a better defence of it than he or Ó Murchú have so far managed.
The rest of his letter contained the most wonderful piece of revisionism ever put in print. After adding to my list of sleazy and corrupt politicians à la Haughey, he goes on to say that O'Connell and Redmond were similarly "motivated by self centred aggrandisement, money and power... all at the expense of the Irish people whom they claimed to represent". Nice try, but unfortunately this ignorant tripe lacks a single shred of evidence to back it up.
So much for Finglas' finest. Moving on, John Horan (same issue) has the gall to advise me to "research my comments" better and claims that I was "mistaken" in relation to Parnell. I am rarely mistaken. The attempts to claim Parnell as part of the physical force tradition derive mainly from his inflammatory rhetoric during the early and late stages of his career, when he was soliciting Fenian support and Irish-American money. It suits the likes of Republican Sinn Féin to claim Parnell as one of their own, in order to put a gloss of respectability on the otherwise despicable history of republicanism.
Conor J McKinney
MountMerrion, Co Dublin
The use of miracle
Conor Brady's comments on the use of the word "miracle" to describe the Toronto air crash, illustrate the continuous debate over the evolving nature of the English language (Village, 12-18 August).
Conor's limitation on the meaning of the word "miracle" to events with a supernatural link, appears to be at odds with views elsewhere in the media (and indeed those of other everyday users of English). The reason for that, I would contend, is that English usage evolves extremely rapidly. Indeed the language survives and thrives on its ability to absorb words, to mutate and develop them, and to produce new meanings from existing words. English usage routinely changes faster than dictionaries can track.
From the articles Conor quotes – and indeed from listening to the word in day-to-day usage – it is clear that the meaning assigned by many people to the word "miracle" is different to the one he puts forward. The meaning which people increasingly seek to convey using the word is, I would argue, similar to the following: "an extremely unlikely and fortuitous event".
Whether the passengers' lives were saved by the expertise of the crew or the technology of the aircraft (or indeed any supernatural cause, were one to be proven), many people plainly feel that the event more closely fits that description.
The Merriam-Oxford Dictionary online defines a "miracle" as: "an extraordinary event manifesting divine intervention in human affairs; an extremely outstanding or unusual event, thing, or accomplishment".
In an increasingly secular world, it is unsurprising that many people would prefer the second meaning.
I disagree with Conor's contention that language is losing its meaning.
In fact, I believe all that is happening is that the meaning carried by words is changing in response to the needs of the users of the language. None of which, of course, denies Conor's right to dislike or disagree with the new meanings assigned in the news media or elsewhere.
Finally, were one to ask the 309 people who escaped the Toronto crash, with just 14 minor injuries, it is fair to speculate that few of them would object to the description of their experience as miraculous.
Michael Kelly
Dublin
Safe and Legal in Ireland
One abortion advocate states "This should be an all-Ireland campaign" (McCann in Village, 12-18 August) while the IFPA is up for a democracy by-pass of the Euro-operation.
What bare-faced cheek! The people of Ireland as a whole, North and South, if allowed a proper referendum will, I dare say, reject abortion in no uncertain terms. And it may even be the case that many, if not most, of the "40 women a week" who are said to "trek" across to England for "reproductive health services" will be party to that overwhelming rejection.
The Irish people respect virtue; as do the people of all nations. In many nations there is abortion provision despite an obvious and unequivocal democratic majority being opposed to it.
Ireland is not about to be "brought into line" with unfortunate European states which are in such dire straits. And certainly not by American advocates of abortion seeking new markets for their trade in death.
Two things Americans advocates of abortion should know about Europe: one, that European cases cannot be brought anonymously, and; two, that European courts respect subsidiarity, especially in respect of this sensitive issue.
It is this subsidiarity which has allowed the Irish people, North and South, be they Catholic, Protestant, Dissenter, Jew, Muslim, Orthodox, or None-of-the-above, keep our beautiful beloved island free abortion which is consuming nations. And it may well be that the residual shamefacedness which lingers even in 21st Century Ireland will persuade A,B,C, or D not to proceed ? since they cannot do so anonymously.
Would you believe we know our Xs from our Cs, and so on? We cannot ever afford to be, in any way, complacent. We are now on full alert. Thanks.
Cathal Loftus
National President Christian Solidarity Party
Ban church gate collections
The sight of Progressive Democrats including the Minister of State for Health, Tim O'Malley, standing before churches in working class areas of Limerick collecting money is a national disgrace.
The PD collection outside churches in Limerick is an insult to people who cannot afford to pay for their refuse wheelie bins.
Throughout Limerick there is an ongoing debate and indeed confusion on the part of the City Council and the private bin operators about waivers for poor and deprived people but the issue has not been resolved.
It now seems that those on the lowest incomes will be forced to pay for bin collections because of policies driven by the Progressive Democrats. The party and the junior minister now has the gall to stand in working class areas outside churches collecting money for themselves.
It is an insult to the people of Limerick and it is about time that such church gate collections were banned in Irish politics. Such activity should have no place in a modern society.
The only positive aspect of this shameful episode is that the working class people of Limerick should ignore the Progressive Democrats and refuse to give them a penny.
Joe Lynch
Ballinacurra Weston, Limerick
Sinn Féin's centenery
I would like to thank the Fine Gael party on its commemoration at the grave of Arthur Griffith on Sunday 21 August. In this, Sinn Féin's centenary year, I welcome this acknowledgment of the party's founder and look forward to seeing their future commemorations for other Sinn Féin members. Unfortunately I am unable to bring myself to reciprocate by commemorating their founder Eoin O'Duffy as I find all forms of fascism morally repugnant.
Shane MacThomais
Ballybrack, Co Dublin
Revolving political positions
For all I know, Phil Flynn may actually be the paragon described by your anonymous sources in last week's profile. Whether he is a nice guy or not is immaterial, compared to the important questions that are raised by Flynn's progress. I do not mean the pen-gun thing or the vague attempts to connect his name to money laundering. Your correspondent merely reports that, as a result of nebulous allegations, he had to give up his chairmanship of the Bank of Scotland and his other position as head of the Decentralisation Implementation Group, as if the acceptance of these positions by an ex-President of ICTU was unproblematic.
It is widely accepted that the integrity American political life is compromised by the "revolving door" system whereby people (eg: Dick Cheney) move in and out of business and public service, making it impossible to say who is being pre-or post-paid for favouritism while in public service. There can, of course, be no question of impropriety in Philip Flynn's case, since the Bank of Scotland did not even operate in Ireland in the time that he held power in the Trade Union movement. But it does raise an important question about the possible emergence of a "revolving door" in Irish business/trade union relations.
Flynn's career shows that companies in the private sector are now prepared to use ex-trade union officials as directors. Don't trade union members, who after all pay the wages of officials, have the right to know which officials think it is okay to accept these rewarding positions? Perhaps candidates for positions as trade union office holders should be asked, in future, when taking up there positions, to give undertakings that they will not accept directorships (or consultancy etc.) from the private sector. Related questions will increasingly arise in the many threatened privatisations. If trade unions implicitly accept that the absurd wages paid to directors are not immoral (by not condemning the likes of Flynn and Con Scanlon) then the moral basis of trade unionism is undermined. If the market rewards the directors correctly, then surely it follows that the wages that the market would award the lower orders must also be morally correct.
Phil Flynn's story raises a second important question. What is an ex- trade unionist doing, lending legitimacy to McCreevey's shoddy decentralisation scheme? Here is a scheme that forces workers to choose between giving up their career and uprooting their spouse and children. Although Flynn officially left Sinn Féin in the 1980s, he admits he has recently done free work for their head office. It is fair to say that Flynn, of all Sinn Féin supporters, has operated at the highest level in the bread and butter power politics of the 26 counties. His actions are arguably the best guide to how Sinn Féin would behave in power. Despite the Independent Group's hysterical pretense that they are Marxist revolutionaries, if Phil Flynn is anything to go by, Sinn Féin are well on their way to becoming Fianna Fáil Lite.
Tim O'Halloran
Dublin11
War of Independece not sectarian
I am appealing to all genuine and faithful republicans to attend the hunger strike commemoration in County Donegal and re-pledge themselves to the principles of the movement. At this time of crisis for republicanism it is important to move forward in unity and with vision for the future.
The IRA has sold out and surrendered and are now part of administering British rule in Ireland. All true and genuine republicans must now unite and rally around the traditional values and principles of the republican movement.
The hunger strike commemoration in Bundoran in County Donegal on Saturday 27 August will provide a platform for all those who disagree with the IRA surrender.
The shamed IRA men and women do not have any right to be republican – in fact by their actions of embracing and now administering British rule they have forfeited any right to be described as republicans.
The fact is the hunger strikers did not die for a new Stormont – they did not die for increased social welfare or a visa to America or for highly paid British Crown jobs for former Republicans.
The hunger strikers died for a principle – they died for a 32 county united Ireland free from British occupation and British rule. It is the age old and traditional objective of Irish Republicanism. We must now re-affirm our commitment to that noble objective!
Des Long
Chairman Limerick Republican Information Service