Ireland cementing role in 'coalition of the willing'

The Government is contributing funds to a scheme in Colombia which critics say is strengthening the power of right-wing paramilitaries. This is just the latest in Ireland's increasing role in global conflict, writes Michael McCaughan

The Irish Government is donating €390,000 in international aid to support a controversial demobilisation process in Colombia. Ireland is one of only six countries (the others are the US, Sweden, Holland, the Bahamas and South Korea) which has pledged financial assistance to the process, despite widespread fears that the demobilisation project is consolidating right-wing paramilitary control over the Colombian countryside. Colombian President Alvaro Uribe has faced an uphill battle to win overseas allies after being snubbed by the European Parliament and rebuffed by Spanish Prime Minister Jose Rodriguez Zapatero, who reversed a decision taken by his predecessor, Jose Luis Aznar, and refused to sell Colombia a number of tanks it had formally requested.

In a separate development, Defence Minister Willie O'Dea announced plans this week for the Irish army to participate in EU "battle groups", which would see up to 1,500 Irish soldiers being dispatched to global conflict points within 10 days of a unanimous decision by EU states. Irish involvement in the EU initiative has been delayed due to constitutional safeguards covering the use of troops in overseas conflicts.

With regard to funds donated to Colombia, the Department of Foreign Affairs does not yet know how the money will be spent. President Alvaro Uribe approved the "Justice and Peace Law" earlier this year, offering right-wing paramilitary forces a chance to confess to one crime and serve a short sentence. The case of the Colombia Three pales into insignificance when set beside Colombia's internal conflict, which has taken 200,000 lives in the past 40 years and displaced three million citizens.

The law offers participating paramilitaries a number of loopholes that the United Nations, Human Rights Watch and some members of the United States Congress say will permit commanders to avoid extradition on drug-trafficking charges, keep their illegal cash and ensure that part of their army remains intact.

The New York Times suggested the law should be renamed the 'law of impunity for killers, terrorists and drug barons'. If the authorities do press charges, the law gives prosecutors only 60 days to build cases. In order to gather international support for the process, President Uribe negotiated a deal with the Organization of American States (OAS), resulting in the launch of the Support Mission for the Peace Process (MAPP) in February 2004. The Mission was established to "enable the OAS to provide technical support for the verification of the ceasefire and cessation of hostilities, demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration initiatives" in Colombia.

In its authorising resolution, the OAS Permanent Council emphasised "the importance of the principles of truth, justice, accountability and reparation to victims in laying the foundations for lasting peace in Colombia." Human Rights Watch (HRW) recently asked the Swedish and Dutch governments to discontinue their contribution to the OAS Mission. "Rather than pressing for compliance with international standards, the Mission has supported the process unconditionally, legitimising the Colombian government's actions" concluded the HRW report.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights noted that the OAS Mission has not played a significant role in verifying compliance with the ceasefire as paramilitaries have been committing widespread violations of international humanitarian law in breach of the ceasefire. Diego Murillo, a notorious paramilitary commander, has been allowed to demobilise and receive benefits, even though he allegedly breached the ceasefire declaration by ordering the assassination of three people, including a Colombian congressman, in April of this year.

The Mission has received much of its funding from the Colombian government (almost $1.2 million), although it also receives approximately one million dollars from the Dutch government; the Swedish government has funded a staff member and provided some logistical support. The Colombia-Europe-USA co-ordination, a network of non governmental groups which monitor the peace process, claimed "the mission's reliance on funding from the Colombian government, and its lack of staff have all generated credibility problems."

Colombia's Commission of Jurists, a widely respected lawyers' organization, concluded that 'any funding for the OAS verification mission should be contingent on a thorough and independent review of the mission, its accomplishments to date, and the criteria for establishing credibility in verifying the current ceasefire agreements in Colombia.'

Last week Irish Foreign Affairs officials met Jesus Emilio and Brigida, two delegates from San Jose de Apartado, a peace community located in the heart of the conflict zone. Since the community was established in 1997 it has suffered 154 assassinations and 433 acts of aggression, with over 90 per cent of incidents attributed to the army and its paramilitary allies. The most recent attack was in February when community leader Luis Guerra, along with seven others, including three children, were massacred in an incident described by the UN High Commission for Refugees (ACNUR) as a "shame on humanity".

Ireland has jumped the gun on its EU partners, funding a peace process ahead of a key EU meeting to discuss the issue in September.

Meanwhile, Willie O'Dea is paving the way for Irish troop involvement in global conflicts like the Colombian war with a committee set up to study what changes will be necessary to permit Irish participation in the initiative. The current system requires approval by the UN, the Government and the Dail, a "triple lock" effect which is in place thanks to voter rejection of the Nice Treaty over fears of the erosion of Irish neutrality.

O'Dea expressed confidence this week that any barriers to the battle group project would be lifted by the end of September.

The aid pledged to Colombia is a small sum, compared to the cost of facilitating US troops in Shannon, where free navigation rights for US planes is costing the state €10,000 per day. The Labour Party discovered in May that the Department of Transport has paid €10 million in the past five years in subsidies to foreign planes passing through Irish airspace under the terms of an agreement by the Irish Aviation Authority (IAA). In its latest report the Shannon Airport Authority revealed that 153,381 troops passed through Shannon in the first six months of this year, a huge increase on the 158,549 troops for the whole of 2004.

Irish politicians remain enthusiastic about the military traffic. "It is a great money spinner for Shannon and should be welcomed," commented Clare Fine Gael TD Pat Breen. The Shannon stopover is not only used by uniformed US army troops, but is also a transshipment point for terror suspects en route to other countries where Amnesty International has documented the routine use of torture during police interrogation.

Anti-war activist Tim Hourigan logged a gulfstream jet on the runway at Shannon on 18 January, 2003, unmasking the secret transportation of terror suspects. The plane's details were cast into cyberspace and spotted by Swedish investigators tracking the kidnap and torture of two Egyptian terror suspects. The plane in question was leased exclusively to the US government and its cargo consisted of "ghost" detainees, held beyond the reach of international law. The flight path originated in North Carolina, proceeded to Dallas airport and continued its journey to Europe. Stop-off was made in one or more allied countries, notably Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Israel, Jordan, Egypt and Afghanistan.

On 6 August Shannon Watch noted the arrival of another suspicious aircraft linked to the kidnap programme; the plane in question (reg N6161Q), had previously been spotted in Iraq, Afghanistan and Nevada, USA. The Department of Foreign affairs has refused to respond to citizen complaints on the issue, while the plane spotters say gardaí have harassed them and ejected them from Shannon Airport. The Shannon Watch/PANA report identified the aircraft as a Twin Otter Dehavilland, owned by and registered to Aviation Specialities Inc, a front company for the CIA with an address in Washington DC.

All these developments – Irish aid to Colombia, Irish troops earmarked for "battle groups" and Irish acquiescence to US military overflights – mark a new era of Irish engagement in escalating global conflicts. Irish governments have played an important role in peacekeeping missions abroad, but current overseas commitments must meet international human rights standards and ensure that Irish troops do not become embroiled in conflicts which have no relevance to national interests.p