How to appoint a frontbench without taking a decision

The first problem was George Colley. He had behaved badly during the general election campaign when he made it obvious that he collld not bl;ing himself to solicit votes for a party led by Charles Haughey. Then he had indulged again in his convolutions about loyalty and in saying "he still hoped to be leader he made it clear he was hoping something untold would happen Haughey in the next two or three years- both men are 56 this. 'Ye!!:r and" fo.;r Colleytp becoml!Jieader Haughey would have to keel over or be keeled over fairly shortly.

When Colley was informed by Haughey that he was no longer to be deputy leader he said he would not serve on the front bench. Haughey backed off as he had, done in Decemmber 1979 When Colley Insisted on remaining Tanaiste, Haughey denied at the press conference to announce the frontbench, that he had tried to get rid of Colley but that's par for the course in Fianna Fail these days. If Colley was not to be moved down he was not to be moved up so he stayed where he was.

Dessie O'Malley would not have agreed to a demotion either. Promotion for him could only have been to Finance and Haughey didn't relish that. He has had a jaundiced view of O'Malley's judgement for some time and anyway with O'Malley in Finance life would have been intolerable. So O'Malley had to stay where he was.

Next problem, what to do with Martin O'Donoghue. The party would hardly have countenanced his con tin ued relegation to the back benches but he would not accept a junior position, such as director of policy research. Colley and O'Malley had hogged two of the senior jobs which left only Finance. There were other reasons for this appointment. Haughey knows that O'Donoghue has a vested interest in, Haughey remaining leader of the party for the forseeable future. If O'Donooghue is to be a credible candidate for the leadership he needs more track record, which means that he doesn't want a leadership election for at least three years. There was also the consideration that O'Donoghue Is nowwadays by no means in the Colley camp. He was deeply disillusioned by Colley's abandonment of him when the change of government occurred in December 1979.

There is, of course, the problem that O'Donoghue thinks that Haughey was one of the greatest disasters to hit the Irish economy. This· perception will be only barely fudged but some price has got to be paid and Haughey himself is a master of fudgery, if nothhing else.

Given that these decisions had taken themselves, there was one area left for an assertion of independence. Colley had insiste<l on a veto over the Justice and Defence appointments in December 1979. If nothing else this veto could now be challenged. Getting rid of Sylvester Barret from Defence would hardly represent an act of outtstanding defiance. Better by far to move Gerry Collins from Justice and appoint one of the "gang of five", Sean Doherty.

With commanding decisiveness this was done but what to do with Collins. Haughey has a poor opinnion of the West Limerick deputy but dropping him altogether would have been a decision as would demote him. He had to be moved upwards - but where. Finance, Industry and Commerce and Energy were closed off. So too was Agriculture as Ray McSharry could not be moved unless upwards. Foreign Affairs loomed into view. Haughey knew Brian Lenihan would go quietly, so Collins was moved in there.

Poor Lenihan. Something had to be cobbled up for him. The original intenntion was to do with him what Jack Lynch did on Joe Brennan in 1975. Appoint him head of policy research and made him deputy leader. But as George Colley wouldn't play ball on that one Lenihan had to be content with just head of policy research.

The other appointments hardly deemanded a great effort of decisionnmaking, although the handling of Albert Reynolds could have been trickey. Albert however made it easy by tellling Haughey he would do any job he was appointed to, so he could hardly have been expected to cause a fuss on being deprived of half of his porttfolio. Incidentally, it seems that Mark Killilea was given to believe by Haughey that Albert was to be promoted ÐKillilea apparently asked Haughey what was to happen to his former boss when Haughey offered him Posts and Telegraphs.

The only other appointment of even vague significance was that of Ray Burke as chief whip. Burke had made a mess of his constituency' (where Haughey lives) and lost a seat . He had also been unimpressive in his general responsibilities during the elecction. And anyway somebody had to get shafted, if only for the sake of appearances. Frontbench making is very easy really when you don't take decisions.