The fringe parties of the 2007 election

Recent election results have provided us with much food for thought as the mainstream parties aim to negotiate a deal that will see sufficient Dail seats form the next government. But amidst the negotiations for power it is easy to forget the smaller parties and groups who partook in the democratic election process. What of those who stood and financed a campaign with ambitions equal to those of the mainstream parties, many who from the outset must have known in all reality that they were to fail in their quest for a seat? Is this the death of constituency politics, an erosion of the ‘left', or is it a result of the much talked about ‘squeeze'.

Economics was undoubtedly the defining factor of election 2007. The protest vote of the disaffected has evolved with economic growth and manifested itself as a vote for the traditional parties of power. Many feel the election result has confirmed a nationwide swing from left to right; more realistic is the view that the working class and proletariat no longer have the need to mobilise politically. It is unclear as to whether this is a temporary aberration or a permanent shift, but it is clear that for one reason or another the small parties and independent candidates have found it difficult to relate to an electorate that voted on the basis of government formation.

Joe Higgins narrowly missed out on regaining his seat with 15% of the vote in Dublin West. His fellow Socialist Party member, Clare Daly (Dublin North), was unsuccessful despite a much predicted ‘upset'. Mick Murphy  (Dublin South West) and Mick Barry (Cork North Central) found first preference votes at a premium with 3.8% and 4% respectively. The party claims it was a strong campaign with over 100,000 homes canvassed and 400,000 pieces of literature delivered through the post-box. But a warm reception on the doorstep did not guarantee success at the polling booths. It is clear that the left has been eroded by the nature of this election. Fianna Fail received votes on the promise of continued economic growth and Fine Gael was home to an indefinite vote for change. But no election can be judged as if a boxing match between the ‘left' and ‘right'.

The seven candidates of the Christian solidarity Party polled a combined first preference vote of 1,415; the Fathers Rights-Responsibility Party (FRRP) fared similarly with eight candidates polling 1,355 first preference votes. Ted Neville of the Immigration Control Platform (ICP) polled 804 first preference votes in Cork South central, a result which the ICP PRO, Aine Ni Chonaill, feels “may indeed have given [politicians] cause to think”. Aine says that the group aim “to create an awareness of the migratory pressures on Ireland (as on all Western European countries) and to force government to strong control measures”. However, in Dublin Central and Dublin North the ICP's two candidates fared less successfully with a combined first preference vote of 525.

Richard Boyd Barrett was one of four members of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) who stood under the banner of a wider electoral alliance called the People Before Profit Alliance (PPA), and was the nearest this election came to throwing up a surprise result. Boyd-Barrett accounted for 8.9% of first preference votes in the Dun Laoghaire constituency and lost out on a seat to Ciaran Cuffe of the Green party on the tenth count with 7,890 votes at that stage. Elsewhere the PPA's SWP members polled 4.4% (2,086) of first preferences with Brid Smith in Dublin south Central; 2.8% (1,058) with Gino Kenny in Dublin Mid West; and Rory Hearne garnered 591 first preferences (1.7%) in Dublin South East.

The SWP is funded by member subscriptions (it does not accept corporate donations) and Donal Mac Fhearraigh of the party claims that the candidates ran their campaigns on a budget of circa €3-8,000.

Áine Ni Chonaill of the ICP said “two [ICP] candidates pretty much bore their own costs. This would have been roughly €3,000 each. ICP spent roughly €2,500 on a third candidate and I paid for [the printing of] his An Post literature, at approximately €1,500. He paid about €500 for his posters (20) and his deposit of €500.” The group funds itself from membership fees and contributions.

Membership of these parties and groupings are hard to gage. Mac Fhearraigh says that SWP “membership numbers in the hundreds but we would be recognized as one of the most active political parties in the country when it comes to issues such as the anti-war movement or community campaigns and struggles”, whilst Ni Chonaill said: “We consider that an internal matter. No matter what our size, it would not be relevant as we consider that we represent Joe Soap, who by definition, unfortunately, tends not to be an activist.”

Although the Political ideology of the SWP is apparent, and the pro-life standpoint of the CSP likewise, niche parties/lobby groups such as the ICP and FRRP have traditionally struggled within the Irish political system. Liam O'Gogain of the FRRP, whom it states on the party website “became the first father in Irish Family Law History (according to the Judge and the legal profession) to be granted Joint Physical Custody of our children against the express wishes of their mother”, polled 180 (0.3%) first preference votes in the constituency of Dublin South. He may have the support in principle of many Irish voters but as this election has shown, that does not necessarily translate in to votes.

So what were the achievements from the margins of the Irish political landscape in the Election of 2007? Ni Chonaill claims that her “NGO or lobby group [aimed to] give a wakeup call to politicians on the issue (immigration). Our vote was not big enough to make that claim. You will have read of the "squeeze on small parties and independents in this election particularly”.

She added that “an election gives you a chance to publicise your views. Every voter in three constituencies will have received a piece of literature from us under the Dail free postage scheme.”

Donal Mac Fhearraigh advises that although the SWP “narrowly missed out on a seat in Dun Laoghaire. We have established strong votes in the other areas that means we are well placed for the council election. More importantly for us we have established links with more campaigns across the city and in the process of organizing more communities on a wide range of issues.”

It is difficult to measure the impact made by the above organizations on the mindset of the electorate or indeed the national agenda. None of the parties or people mentioned above won a seat in this election, but they will feel that the right to give voice to their opinion and offer the electorate a chance to make a likeminded statement is a stand worth taking.