Bogus approval

On 20 March 2003, the Dáil passed a resolution authorising the government to make facilities in Shannon available to US forces pursuing hostilities in Iraq. The terms of the resolution raised questions at the time but even more so now, in the light of information that since has become available.

The resolution stated:

That Dáil Éireann, noting the imminence of military action by a United States-led coalition against Iraq:

– reaffirms Ireland's commitment to the United Nations as the guarantor of collective global security and as the appropriate forum for the resolution of disputes threatening international peace and security (this commitment amounted to little since the resolution was authorising the facilitation of an illegal armed intervention and occupation of a sovereign country, in contravention of the UN Charter):

– condemns the continued refusal of the government of Iraq over a period of 12 years to comply with its obligation to disarm as imposed by numerous resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, most recently in Resolution 1441 (we now know that Iraq was not in breach of the obligation to disarm, since no weapons of mass destruction have been found in Iraq, as Iraq had at all times protested during the relevant period prior to the invasion);

– recalls that Resolution 1441 found Iraq in material breach of its obligations under relevant resolutions, afforded Iraq a final opportunity to comply with these obligations and recalled the Security Council's repeated warnings that Iraq would face serious consequences as a result of its continued violations of its obligations (we now know that Resolution 1441 was founded on assumptions that have since proved to be false, notably the assumption that Iraq continued to possess weapons of mass destruction);

– expresses its deep regret that efforts within the Security Council to reach agreement on how to address the question of Iraqi non-compliance have failed (the failure arose because of the refusal of the US and Britain to abide by the collective will of the Security Council, the very countries the resolution went on to facilitate);

– recalls Ireland's statement as a member of the Security Council on the adoption of Resolution 1441 that it would be for the Security Council to decide on any ensuing action in the event of further Iraqi non-compliance (in other words, Ireland's position was that in the absence of further explicit UN Security Council authorisation, any ensuing action would be illegal);

– regrets that the coalition finds it necessary to launch the campaign in the absence of agreement on a further resolution, notwithstanding the claims of the coalition to be acting on the basis of an existing Security Council mandate ("regrets" the deliberate breach of the UN Charter and the illegal invasion of a sovereign country, but, in any event even our regret amounted to little since we went on to facilitate that very action we said we regretted);

– endorses the decision of the Government that Ireland will not participate in the coalition's proposed military action against Iraq (if we refuse to participate for good reason, why should we facilitate?);

– expresses its earnest hope that military action, should it occur, will be of short duration and that loss of life and destruction will be kept to a minimum (we now know this not to be the case and yet we continue to facilitate that invasion and occupation which we ourselves deemed illegal);

– declares its commitment to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Iraq (how then do we facilitate the breach of its independence and sovereignty?);

– calls on all parties to any conflict to respect the provisions of international humanitarian law, in particular, the Geneva Conventions (we now know the US and Britain have fluted international law and the Geneva Conventions in their treatment of prisoners, for instance, and we have explicitly assisted that in making Shannon available as a transit stop for aircraft that have been engaged in illegal kidnappings and the transport of prisoners to centres where torture is regularly practiced);

– welcomes the stated intention of the coalition to act swiftly to address the food and humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people (we now know this too is bogus and that the humanitarian situation is now much worse for Iraqis than it was prior to the invasion and yet we continue to facilitate the operation);

– welcomes the arrangements put in place by the Government to ensure that Ireland will be able to contribute rapidly to the humanitarian effort in Iraq (what contribution did we make "rapidly" or otherwise to the "humanitarian effort" and, anyway, is this not hypocritical given that we have assisted in the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq and the infliction of terror on its citizens);

– calls on the United Nations to assume a central role in securing the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people and the reconstruction of Iraq in which Ireland will play its full part (what part?);

– recalls the long-standing arrangements for the overflight and landing in Ireland of US military and civilian aircraft (there were no "long standing" arrangements for the overflight and landing in Ireland of US military and civilian aircraft engaged in any hostilities, yet along hostilities that we ourselves have stated to be illegal – see article opposite on those "long standing arrangements"); and

– supports the decision of the Government to maintain those arrangements.