Wigmore - Nov 10 1983: the paper mills, Garret and the ICTU, Fine Gael

  • 9 November 1983
  • test

THE firmest, clearest commitment was given to reopen the mills at about 2am on February 8 of this year by John Bruton. He did so as Fitz Gerald's representative. That night, at a meeting with the General Secretary of the ICTU, he accepted the commitments entered into by Albert Reynolds. He was in absolutely no doubt about what those commitments were, as he was handed- a copy of Reynolds's letter at the meeting. He wasn't happy about it, but he accepted it. That day' the government confirmed those commitments in.a statement.

IF you were voting in the Clondalkin-Tallaght area in November 1982 you got one of these as you entered the polling station.

"Fine Gael will honour any contract concerning Clondalkin Paper Mills entered into by the outgoing governnment."

And two days before the election Dick Spring wrote: "I wish to reiterate that we are in favour of the reopening of the Mills and of the maintaining of employment there. We will do all in our power to bring this about."

DO we have a democratic system in this country or do we not? We are told constantly how important our vote is. Politicians spout about it, editoriaalists grow pompous about it. The Mill workers were told by every party in the Dail that if they used their votes the right way the Mills would be opened.

Garret FitzGerald has edited the Mill workers out of his democratic process. He even refuses to acknowwledge letters from their ICTU represenntatives. For over two years the workers have tried every constitutional means open to them. They have been misled.

They have not stepped out of the democratic system, they have been pushed out. They would, by any standard of political analysis, be entitled to take any action they connsider appropriate. All bets are off. All the clauses of the supposed "social contract" are null and void.

MYLES SPEIGHT pours some salt into his hand, takes a pinch between his fingers and swallows it. He takes a gulp of spring water. The two men who have gone on sunger strike are taking this seriously. They honestly don't know how far this will go. They are being realistic about things. Perrhaps it will go the limit, perhaps not. They are not making heroic stateements. As of now they intend to take it as far as possible. It may be, as with the H Block strikers, that they get to a point where resignation takes over and they deliberately decide to play it all the way, make a sacrifice. Long before that they may reach a point where their physical or mental health is irrevocably damaged. They know all about this. They are not making an emotional gesture. They are serious men who for many years have held responsible posts in the trade union movement.

BRIAN NOLAN says: "We are black and blue in the face appealing to our elected representatives and appointed officials. We have reached the end of the line. We made a mistake in relying on those people instead of on ordinary workers."

Speight and Nolan are not known to the public. They are nonentities in the circles in which Garret FitzzGerald moves. They are, however, and for long before this hunger strike, very well known in the trade union moveement, in the informal network of shop stewards and activists that exists not only in Dublin but throughout the country.

They get visits from Mervyn Taylor, Pat Rabbitte and the like. And from the Mayor of Lucan, who wants to help in any way possible. There are phone calls from republicans who know something about hunger strikes, giving tips. Most important, there are visits and messages from trade unionnists. People who were on strike seven or eight years ago and someone told them that Myley Speight was a good man to organise a collection and the Mill workers would never see a good cause go short.

The hunger strike is not an attempt to touch the conscience of Garret FitzGerald. The hunger strike is a signal from the Mill workers that the messing is over. They have been betrayed. Promises have been broken, the system has failed them. They are fighting now as workers and are seekk'ing support on that basis .

FlANNA Fail have a Private Members motion going. No one is in any doubt that their motivation is not concern for the Mill workers but to embarrass the Coalition.

A short distance from the Mills, in the Green Isle Hotel, the local Labour branch is meeting. After a long, hard discussion they take a deciision. Will they demand that Labour supports the motion and backs the workers? No, they call on the workers to end the hunger strike. They promise to support them. Another promise. No one is in any doubt that the primary concern is not the Mill worrkers but power politics within the Coalition.

IT WAS on September 23 that Garret FitzGerald decided that the ICTU, the largest interest group in the counntry, was to be ignored. On that day he received a letter from Congress seeking an assurance that Clondalkin Paper Mills would be reopened. He didn't reply. On October 10 the ICTU sent him a telegram requesting a meeting. No reply. On October 21 they sent another letter. No reply.

Complaints have been made about the behaviour of John Bruton, Michael O'Leary and Mervyn Taylor - but FitzGerald is the culprit. It is he who gave a commitment to reopen the plant. He is Taoiseach. He is the one who is deliberately and ruthlessly, going back on his political committment. His stonewalling of the ICTU indicates an intention to brazen things out. It's a long time to the next elecction. Memories are short.