The shrinking of the left

Labour's pact with Fine Gael did not gain them any votes, and overall the left parties suffered in this election. By Eoin Ó Broin

In the immediate aftermath of the election, during an interview with Mark Little on RTÉ, Pat Rabbitte gave his most candid response when questioned about the utility of the Mullingar Accord for his party – Ruairi Quinn went it alone in 2002 and came back with the same number of seats as 1997, despite the Labour/Democratic Left merger. In 2007 a deal with Fine Gael produced almost the same result minus one seat and a 0.65 per cent drop in first preference votes. For Rabbitte, Labour could not win either way, damned to remain stagnant with Fine Gael and damned without. 

For Sinn Féin the 2007 picture was somewhat similar; down a seat despite a marginal vote increase, and unable to attain the key gains predicted by party and pundits. An effective Fianna Fáil campaign combined with Sinn Féin's move to the centre on tax and clear desire to be seen as a potential coalition partner failed to impress even those Fianna Fáil voters who shifted to the party in 2004.

The Greens' result, while equally stagnant, appears better. No seat losses followed by a potential opportunity to enter government could mean that their election slogan, ‘It's Time', was more than just wishful thinking. Influence in government will certainly take the sting out of their failure to advance electorally. However, the risks and compromises involved in such a move will test the party in ways not experienced before.

But irrespective of who Bertie Ahern chooses as his coalition partners, 2007 will be remembered as a deeply disappointing year for Ireland's three main left wing parties – Labour, Sinn Féin and the Greens. In retrospect, Pat Rabbitte has an opportunity to learn the lessons of his own party's history. Despite his out of hand rejection of the ATGWU's 2005 paper ‘Labour In Its Own Right', hindsight has proved Mick O'Reilly right. The veteran left-winger argued that the Labour-Fine Gael pact was a lifeline for Fine Gael at Labour's expense, and that rather than going for unattainable short-term electoral gain Rabitte should be actively building a longer-term project. For O'Reilly Labour should position itself as the lead voice for a real democratic alternative gathering the social and political forces of the Irish left around an agreed agenda for sustainable redistributive economic development.

Likewise Sinn Féin appears not to have learned the lessons from its own ideological past, whether they be Clann na Poblachta or the Workers Party/Democratic Left. A legitimate desire to wield influence in Leinster House by both of these left republican parties was realised at the expense of the politics that drove their electoral advancement. The price of power was detachment from their organisational and electoral bases. The consequence was political neutralisation and electoral decline. That Sinn Féin wants to be in government is logical. That it is willing to make compromises to achieve that result is unavoidable. However the balance between the means and the end must be struck carefully. Abandoning important redistributive taxation policies not only failed to woo the voters last month, but left many wondering just how Sinn Féin intended to pay for its sought after “Ireland of equals”.

For the Greens there is no domestic precedent for their present position, but across Europe, Green politicians have held cabinet positions in 15 countries. The ability of some of these parties to effect policy, particularly on issues such as waste management and energy has been considerable. However as with the German Greens the price of this influence was support for the US-led invasion of Iraq – a move that alienated many. Issues like the US military in Shannon or co-location of private hospitals may prove too high a price for many Irish Greens irrespective of gains made on other issues.

Of course a lot can happen before the 30th Dáil is formed. Fianna Fáil is keeping all options on the table, and despite the reluctance of many Labour party members, influential figures such as Fintan O'Toole and Jack O'Connor are arguing that the best interests of both party and country lie in a Fianna Fáil coalition.

But after all the wounds are licked, post mortems conducted and hard decisions taken, there is another, maybe more important issue, for the three parties of the left emerging from this election.

In a political system dominated by two centre right parties, what real hope do any of the three smaller parties have of delivering real social and economic change if each pins their political future to one or other coalition option.

As the leaders' debate between Kenny and Ahern clearly demonstrated, neither party has a vision for an Ireland substantially different from where we are today -– an Ireland which, despite our enormous wealth, condemns a significant section of the population to live at risk of poverty.

Whatever government emerges on 14 June it is doubtful that, whatever the intentions of the smaller coalition partner(s), such issues will remain unresolved in 2012.

Smaller parties of the left gain neither electorally nor politically from such coalitions. They merely serve to shore up both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael electorally while maintaining a conservative policy consensus that maintains the status quo in an unequal society.

Pat Rabbitte's response regarding the utility of the Mullingar Accord, that Labour may well be no better off alone or with Fine Gael, while partially correct, ignores the third option argued by Mick O'Reilly and the ATGWU.

Labour, the Greens and Sinn Féin could start a genuine public discussion about providing the electorate with a real political and economic alternative come 2012. The trade unions, the community and voluntary sector, and the trade, justice and peace organisations across the country could join that discussion. That discussion could focus on how to best use the great resources of our country to build a democratic, peaceful, united and equality driven society, championing the needs of the most marginalised at home and abroad.

It is time for the political parties of the left to look beyond the Fianna Fáil/Fine Gael divide and place fundamental political, social and economic transformation before short-term electoral gain and limited governmental influence. Eoin Ó Broin is a Sinn Féin activist. He is writing here in a personal capacity.